IBRARY OF CONGRESS 



013 789 486 5 • 



pH8J 



REPUBLICANISM VS. GRANTISM. 



THE PRESIDENCY A THUST; NOT A PLAYTHING AND PERQUISITE. 



PersoDal Goveriimeiit and Presidential Fretensions, 



c 671 
.S956 

Copy 1 



REFORM A:ND PURITY^ IN GOVERNMENT. 



SPEECH 



OF 



HON. CHARLES SUMNE 



OF INI^SS^CtlUSETTS, 



DELIVERED 



/;/ THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 
MAY 31, 1872. 



*' Socrntes. Then whom do you call the good? 
AUibi'ides. 1 mean by the good those who are able to rule in the city; 
'^ Socrates. Not, surely, over horses ? 
Alcibiades. Certainly not. 
Socrates. But over men ? 
Alcibutdes. Yes." 

[Plato, Dialogiieg. The First Alcibiades. 

" Among; the foremost purposes ought to be the downfall of this odious, insulting, detrradir?, aid de-campieh, !ncap^■^lle di"tatnr>Wp. 
/. t such a ciisis i:-- the country to be left at the mercy of barrack councils and mess-room politics? " — Letter o/ Lord l>ii/rhaiH to llitury 
BrQiiijham, Avg., ISoO. Brougham'' is Life and Times, Vol. iii., p. 44. 



NEW YORK: 
^ THE TRIBUNE ASSOCIATIO 

1872. 






5' 



/ 



REPUBLICANISM YS. GRANTISM. 



Mr. President, I have no hesitation in rteelaritig myself 
a member ol the Republican party and one of the strait- 
est of the sect. I doubt if any Senator can point to 
earlier or more constant service in its Ijehalf. I begun at 
the begiuninj;, and from that early day have never failed 
to sustain its candidates and to advance its principles. 
For these I have labored always by speech and vote, in 
the Senate and elsewhere, at first with tew only, liut at 
last, as success besran^to dawn, then with multitudes 
flocking forward. ' lu this cause I nt- ver asked who were 
my associates t)r how manv they would n.iml'er. In the 
oousciousness of risrht I was willing to be alone. To such 
a party, with which .-o much of my life is intertwined, I 
have uo common attachment. Not without regret ran I 
see it sutlVr ; not without a pang can I see it changed 
from its original character, f.u- such a change is death. 
Therefore do I ask, with no common feeling, that the 
peril which menaces it may pass away. I stood by its 
•cradle ; let me not fnUow its hearse. 

ORIGIN AND OBJECT OF THE KEFUELICAN PAKTY. 

Turning back to its birth, I recall a speech of my own 
at a State Convention la Massachusetts, as far back as 
Sept. 7, 185i, wljere I vindicated its principles, and au- 
uounced its name in these words : " As Republicans we 
go forth to encounter the O'igarchs of Slavery." The re- 
port records the applause with which this name was 
received by the excited multitude. Years of coutlict 
ensued, iu which the good cau^e constantly gained. At 
last, iu the Summer of 1860, Abraham Lincoln was nomi- 
nated by this party as its can<lldate for the Presidency ; 
iiiid here pardon me if I refer again to myself. On my 
way hoiut: from the Senate 1 wiis detained iu New-York, 
l>y the invitation of party friends, to speak at the Cooper 
Institute on the is.-ues of the peudiug election. The 
speech was made July 12, and, 1 believe, was the earliest 
of the campaigu. As published at the time, it was 
entitled, "Origin, Necessity, and Permanence of the 
Kepublican Party," and to exhibit these w.is its precise 
object. Both the nece-sity and permanence of the party 
were asserted. A liricf passage, which I take from the 
report in The Xew-Tork Herald, will show the duty and 
destiny I veutiu-ed then to hold up. After dwelling 
on the evils of Slavery and the corruptions it had engen- 
dered, including the purchase of votes at the polls, 
I proceeded as follows- 

" Therefore, jost so long as the pres«nt false theories of Slarerf pre- 
vail, whether concernins' its character morally, economically, and socially 
or concerning its prt-rogatires under the Constitution, just so lonjj as the 
Slare Oligarchy, which is the .sleepless and unhesitating agent of .-slavery 
in all its pretensions, contiuues to exist as a political power, the Repnlili- 
can party must endnre. M.pplause.] If bad men conspire tor Slarery, 

food mi»n must combine for Freeiiom. ["Good, good I' I Nor can the 
oly war be ended until the barbarism now dominant in tne Republic is 
overthrown and the Pajan power is driven from our Jfrusniem. [Ap- 
plause.] And when the Iriumph is won, seeming the immediate object of 
our orffanization, the Republican party will not die, but poriSed by its 
long contest with Mavery and Clied with higher life, it will be lifte/l to 
yet other efforts with nobler aimi lor the good of ftian. [Applause, three 
bbeers for Liscoln. I" 

Such, on the eve of the Presidential election, was my 
descrijition of the Republican party aud my aspiration 
for its future. It was not to die, but purified by long 
contest with Slavery and filled with higher hte, we were 
to behold it lifted to yet other efforts aud nobler aims for 
the good of man. Here was nothing personal, nothing 
mean or petty. The Republican party was necessary 
and permanent, aud always on an asceudiag plane. For 
such a party there was no death, but higher life and 
nobler aims; and thi.s wns the party to which I gave my 
vows. But alas ! how changed. Once country was the 
object, aufl not a muu ; once principle was inscribed on 
the victorious banners, and not a name only. 

REPUBLICAN PARTY SEIZED BY TttE PRESIDENT. 

It is not difficult to indicate when this disastrous 
change, exalting the will of one man above all else, be- 
came not merely manifest but palufully conspicuous. 
Already it had begun to show itself in personal preten- 
sions, to wkich I shall refer soon, when suddenly and 
without any warning throug'i the pulilic press or any 
expression from public opinion, the President elected by 
the Republican party precipitated upon the country an 



Ill-considered and ill-omened scheme for the annexation 
of a pijrtion of the island of Santo Domingo, in pur.-suance 
of a treaty negotiated by a person of his own household 
styling himself "Aid-de-camp of the Pri-siilent ot the 
United States." Had this effort, however iujndiciou.s in 
object, been conflued to ordinary and constitutional pro- 
ceedings, with proper regard for a coon linate branch of 
the Government, it would have soon dropped outot sight 
aud been remembered only as a blunder. But it was not 
so. .Strangely and unaccountably, it was pressed for 
months by evei-y means aud appliance of power, 
whether at home or abroad, now reaching into 
the Senate Chamber, and now iuto the waters about the 
island. Reluctant Senators were subdued to its support, 
while, treudiiiic under fool the Constitution in one of its 
most di.stinetive republican principles, the President 
seized the war powers of the nation, instituted foreiiiu 
intervention, aud capped the climax of usurpation by 
menace of violence to the black Republic of Hnyfi, where 
the eolored race have commenced theexperimentof self- 
government; thus adding manifest outrai.'e of Inter- 
national law to manifest outrage of the Constitution, 
while the loug-suffering African was condemned to new 
indiuuity. All these things, so utterly indefen.-ible and 
aggravating, and therefore to be i>romptly disowned, 
found deV'uders on this floor. Tue Pre.rident, who was 
the original author of the wrongs, continued to maintain 
them, and appealed to Republican Senators for help, 
thus fullilling eccentric stipulatiim with the Oovern- 
ment of Baez, executed by his aid-de camp. 

At last a Repuidican Senator, who felt it his duty to 
exhibit these plain violations of the Constitutiou aud of 
International Law, and then in obedience to the irre- 
sistible proini)tiugs ot his nature, and iu harmony with 
his whole life, pleaded for the equal rights of the Black 
Repubhi — wlio declared that he did this as a Republican, 
aud to save the party from this wretched comi)iieity— 
this Republican Souatoi", engaged in a patriotic service, 
aud anxiouis to save the colored people from outrage, 
was denounced on this floor as a traitor to the p.irty, and 
this was done by a Senatar speaking for the party, and 
kuown to be In intimate relations with the President 
giulty of these wrongs. Evidently the party was in pro- 
ces.s of change from that eenerous association dedicated 
to Human Rights and to the guartlianship of the African 
race. Too plainly it was becoming the instrument of one 
man and his personal will, no matter how much he sei at 
defiance the Coustitution and interational law, or how 
much he insulted the colored people. The Pres'ident was 
to be maintained at all hazards, notwithstanding his 
aberrations, and all who called them iu question were to 
be struck down. ^ 

In exhibiting this autocratic pret-ension, so revolution- 
ary and unrepublican in character, I mean to he mod- 
erate in language aud to keep within the strictest boimds. 
The facts are iudi.sputable, and nobody can deuj^ the 
gross violation of the Coustitution and of interu.itioual 
law, with insult to the Black Republic — the whole case 
being more reprehensible, as also plainly more unconsti- 
tutional and more illetral than anything alleged against 
Andrew Joiinsou on his impeachment. Believe me. Sir, 
I should eladly leave this matter to the judgment already 
recorded, if it were not put in i.-.sue again by the extra- 
ordinary efferts, radiating ou every line of office, to press 
its author for a second term as President; aud since 
silence gives consent, all these efforts are his efforts. 
They become more noteworthy when it is considered 
that the name of the candidate thus pressed has become 
a sign of discord aud not uf concord, dividing instead of 
uniting the Republican party, so that thes«\ extraordi- 
nary eflorts tend directly to the disruption of the party, 
all of which he witnesses and again by his silence rati- 
fies. " Let the party split." says the President, " I will 
not renounce my chance of a second term." The extent 
of this personal pressure and the subordination o+ the 
party to the will of an individual compel us to consider 
his pretensions. These, too, are iu Ls.>ue. 

PRESIDENTIAL PRETENSIONS. 

" On what meat doth this our Gasar feed " that he 
should assume so much 1 No honor for victory iu war 
can justify disobedience to the Constitution and to law ; 
nor can It all Old the least apology tor fuy p. rsonal im- 
munity, privilege, or license in ttie Prt'sidentiai ottt.-e. A 
President must turn into a king be lore it can be said of 
him that he can do no wrong. He is responsible always. 
As President he ie foremost servant ot tlie law, hound to 



obev its sliehtr-st mandate. As tho e\cct of the people 
he owes not only the example of ■williufjohedlenie ,but 
also of fidelity and industry in the dis'-hiirtce of his con 
epJcnous office -with an tihsohife alitief,Mtkin of hU self- 
eeekinc >Iotlilug for self but all fur eountry. And now, 
38 -we n-^Td theeareer of this candidate, we find to our 
amazement bow little it accords with this sinii)le require- 
ment. Bring it to the touchstono and it fails. 

Not only are Constitution and law di.<repirded, but 
the Presidential office itself is treated as little more than 
a plaything and a perquisite— when not the former then 
the latter. Here the details are ample, showine' how 
from the iiegiuning this exalted trust has dropped to bo 
a personal iudulKcuce, where palace cars, fast horses, 
and sea-^ide loiteriugs flinire more th;in duties; how per- 
sonal aims and oijects have been more prominent than 
the public interests; how the Presidential office has been 
used to advance his own family on a scale of nepotism 
dwiuflne everything of the kind in our history, and 
hardly equalecl in the corrupt Governments where this 
aliUte ha.s most prevailed ; how in the .same spirit offleo 
has been conferied upon tliot;e from whom Ue had re- 
ceived gifts or beiietlt.s, thus makim: the co\uitry repay 
his personal obligations; how personal devoiiuuto him- 
self rather than pulilie or party service has been made 
the standanl of lavor; how the vast appointing i>ower 
conferred by the Constitution for the general welfare 
has been employed at his will to promote his schemes, 
to reward his fi lends, t^) imuish his opponents, and to 
advance his election to a .second term; how all these 
assumptions have matured in a perscmal government, 
senii-uiilirary in character and breathing the military 
spirit, being a species of Ca-sarism or personalism, ab- 
horrent to republican institutions, where subservience 
to the President is the supreme law ; how in maintaining 
this subt-ervicnce he has operated by a system of 
combinations, military, political, and even Senatorial, 
having their orbits* about him, so that, like the 
planet Saturn^ he is surrounded by rings; nor does the 
similitude end here, for his rings, like those of tlie planet, 
are held in po.-ition by ealellites; how this utterly unre- 
publican CitsariKm has uiiistered the Rei)ublican party 
and dictated ttie Presidential will, stalking into the Sen- 
ate Chamber itself, while a viiiilictive spirit vi.sita good 
Republic^iiis who cannot submit; how the President 
himself, uucon-cious that a President has no right to 
quarrel with anybody, insists upon ouarreling until he 
has become the great Presidential quarreler, with moro 
quarrels than afl other Presidents to(,'i't her, and all be- 
gun and continued by himself; how his iiei-soiial follow- 
ers back him in quarrels, insult those he insults, and 
then, not departing from his spirit, cry out with Shake- 
speare, •' We v\ ill have rings and things and tine array ;" 
and fluallF, how the chosen head of the Republic is 
known chiefls- for Presidential pretensions, utterly inde- 
fensible in character, derogatory to the country and of 
evil influence, maklijg personal "ol>Jects a primary pur- 
euit, so that instead of a benetlcent pre.sence he is a bad 
example through whom Republican institutions suflfer 
and the people learn to do wrong. 

Would that these things could lie forgott-en, but since 
through otii( ious friends the I'resident ln.sists uiion a 
second term they must be considered and piiblirly dis- 
cussed. Wuen understood nobody will vindicate'them. 
It is easy to see that CjBsarisin even in Eiirouo is at a 
disc<iunt; that " personal government " has been beaten 
on that ancient field, and that "Cassar with a senate at 
his heels" is not the flt model for our Republic. King 
George III. of England, so i)eruliar tor narrowness and 
obstinacy, had retainers in P;irliainent who went under 
the name of "Tho King's Friends." Nothing can be 
allowed here to justify tho inquiry, "Have we a King 
George among us !" or that other question, " Have we a 
party in the Senate of ' tho King's Friends 1'" 

FEE.SOSAL GOVERNMENT UNREPCBLICA.:^. 

Personal government is autocratic. It is tho one-man 
power elevated above all else, and is, therefore, in direct 
conflict with reixiblican government, whoso consummate 
form is tripartite— Executive, Legislative, and Judi- 
cial — each independent and coequal. From Mr. Mad- 
ison, in The Federalist, -wn learn that tho accumulation 
of these powers "in the same hands" may .justly bo 
pr<)nounce<l "the very definition of tyranny."' Aiid so 
any attetnpt bj- either to exercise powers of another 
is a tyrannical iHvasion always rei)reheusible in propor- 
tion to Itf' extent. John Adams tells us in most instructive 
words thai "It Is by balancing r^aeh of these jiowers 
against the other two that the eflorts in human nature 
toward tyr.mny can alone be checked and restrained 
and any degree of freedom preserved in tho Constitu- 
tion." (Joiin Adams's Works, Vol. IV.. p. 186.) 

Then, again, tht; same authority says that tho perfec- 
tion of this great idea is " liy giving each division a 
power to defend itself by a negative." (Ibid., p. 296.) 
In other \\ ords, each 1b armed agaiii.it invasion by the 
others. Accordingly, the Constitution of Virginia, in 
1776, conspicuous aa an historical precedent, declared 
exoreesly: 



■'The legislatiT*. eitecntivp, ond jndiciarT deparhnents shall he »e)>» 
arate and distinct, so that neither exercise the powers properly helonsine 
to t' e other: nor sbaM any person execute the powers of nijre than one 
of them at the same time." 

The Constitution of Massachusetts, dating from 1780, 
embodied the same principle in memorable words : 

" The leeisUtive depnrbne it shall never exercise the executive and 
jadicial powera. or either of them; the executive shall never exercise the 
le^'i-lative and judirial pnwi-rs, or either of them; the judicial shall 
never ei'-rcise the leaislative and executive powers, or either of them, t» 
the end that it may be a goveminent of laws aud not of men." 

A gtivemment of laws aud not of men is the object of 
republican government; nay, more. It is the distinctive 
essence w ithout which it becomes a tyranny. Therefore 
personal government in all its forms, and especially 
when It seeks to sway the action of any other branch or 
overturn its constitutional negative, is hostile to the first 
priucijdcs of re)iui>lican institutions, aud au unquestion- 
able outraee. That our PresiJeut has otfeudea iu this 
way is, unhappily, too apparent, 

THE PRESIDENT AS A CIVILIAN. 

To comprehend the personal government that has been 
installed over us we must know its author. His picture 
is the necessary frontispiece ; not as soldier, let it be 
borne in mind, but as civilian. The President is titular 
head of the Army and Navy of the United States ; but 
his office is not military or naval. As if to exclude all 
question, he is classed by the Constitution aiuoug " civil 
officers." Therefore, as civilian he is to be seen. Then, 
periiaps, may we learn tho secret of the policy so adverse 
to republicanism in which he perseveres. 

To appreciate his peculiar character as a civilian it is, 
important to know his triumphs as a soldier, for tue one 
is the natural coniplement of the other. The successful 
suhlier is rarely chaiiired to the successful civilian. Tliero 
seems an incoiiipatiliility between the two, modified by 
the extent to which one has been allowed to exclude the 
other. One always a soldier cannot late in life become a 
statesman ; one alwa.ys a civilian cannot late in life be- 
come a soldier. Education aud experience are needed 
for each. Washington and Jacksou were civilians as well 
as soldier,s. 

In the large training and experience of antiquity the 
soldier and civilian were often united; but in modern 
times this has been rare. The camp is iieculiar in the in- 
fluence it exercises ; it is in itself an education, but it is 
not the education of the statesman. To supjiose that we 
can change without preparation from the soldier to the 
statesman is to assume that training and experient'C are 
of less consequence for the one than the other— that a 
man may be born a statesman, but can flt himself ■<s a 
soldier only by four years at West Point, careful scieu- 
titie study, the command of troops, and exiierience in the 
tented held. And is nothing required for the statesman ? 
Is his duty so slight? His study is the nation and its 
•welfare, turning always to history for example, to law 
for authority, and to the loftiest truth for rules of con- 
duct. No knowledge, care, or virtue, disciplined by 
haldt, cau be too great. The pilot is not accepted in hi3 
trust until he knows the signs of the storm, the secrets 
of navigation, the rocks of the coa.st, all of which are 
learned only b.y careful study with charts aud soundings, 
by coasting the land and watching the crested wave. 
But can less be expected of that other pilot who is to 
steer the ship which contains us all ? 

The failure of the modern soldier as statesman is ex- 
hibited bv Mr. Ruckle in his remarkable work on the 
" Hi-story of Civilization." Writing as a philosopher de- 
voted to liheral ideas, he does not disguise that in an- 
tiquity " the most eminent soldiers were likewise the most 
eminent politicians;" but he plainly shows the reason 
when he adds that," in the midst of the hurry and turmoil 
of camps these eminent men cultivated their minds to 
the highest point th;it the knowledge of that age would 
allow." (Vol. I, chap. 4.) Tue secret was culture not can- 
fined to war. In modern Europe few soldiers have been 
more conspicuous than Gustavus Adolphiis and Freder- 
ick, sometimes called the Great; but we learn from oup 
author that both " failed ignominioasly ic their domes- 
tic policy, and showed themselves as short-sighted 
iu the arts of peace as they were sagacious in the arts of 
war." {Ibid.) The judgment of 'Marlborough is more 
pointed. While portraving him as " the greatest con- 
queror of the age, the hero of a hundred tights, the victor 
of Blenheim and Raniillies," the same philosophical 
"wnter describes him as " a man not onlv of the most idle 
and Irivolous pursuits, but so miserably ignorant that 
his deflcitucics made him the ridicule of h*s cofemnoia- 
nes," while hLs politics were compoimded of semsjL!U( sa 
and treachery. Nor was WelUugton an exception. 
Though shining in the field without a rival, and reraai-k- 
able for integrity of purpose, an unflinching honesty and 
high moral feeling, tho cqaqueror of Waterloo is de- 
scribed as "nevertheless utterly unequal to the compli- 
cated exigencies of political life.^' {Ibid.) Such are the 
examples ot history, each with its warning. 

It would be hard to tiuU anything iu the native endow 



iuents or in the traininR of our chieftain to make him 
un Illustrious exception; at least nothing of this Iciud is 
recorded. Was nature more peuerous with him tlian 
with Maiiboioujih or Welliuyton, GusiavTis Adolj)liii8 or 
i'rederick called the Great i Or was his espeneuce of 
life a bert«r preparatiuu than theirs? And yet they 
failed except in war. It is not known that oar chieftain 
Lad an experience as a civilian until he became Presi- 
dent, nor does any partisan attribute to him that double 
culture which lu autiquity made the same man soldier 
aud 6tat<^'smau. It has been ofteii said that he took no 
uoto of public affairs, never voting but once in his life, 
aud then tor James Buchanan. After leaving West 
Point he became a Captain in the army, but soon abau- 
doned the service to reappear at a later day as a success- 
ful General. There is ho reason to believe that he em- 
ployed tliis interuiediate period in any way calculated 
to improve him as a statesman. Due of his unhesitating 
supporters, my colleague, {.Mr. Wilsou), in a speech in- 
tended to commend him for reelectioa, says: 

" Befiire the war we knew nuthingof Grant. He was earning a few 
hauiircct (luilars a year in tanning bides in Gaieua." 

By tiie war he pu.-s<-d lo be President ; and such was 
his preparation to j;overn the great Eepublic, making it 
!in example to maukind. Thus he learned to deal with 
all questions domestic and foreign, whether of peace or 
■war, to declare constitutional law and iuternatioual law 
and t« administer the vast uppointiug power, creating 
Cabiuet officers, judges, loreign ministers, and an mi- 
couuted army of officeholders. 

To these things must be added that when this soldier 
first began as civilian he was already i6 years old. At 
This mature age, close upon half a century, when habits 
are irrevocably fixed, when the mind has hardeued 
against what is new, when the character has taken its 
permanent form, and the whole man is rooted in his own 
unchangeable inUi^^dm^lity, our soldier entered abruptly 
upon the uutried life of a civilian in its most exalted 
sphere. Do not i>e surprised that, like other soldiers, he 
tailed ; the wonder would be had he succeeded. Harvey 
was accustomed to say that nobody over 40 ever accepted 
liis dlsc^jvery of the circulation of the blood ; but he is 
not tlie only person who has recognized tais period of 
life as the dividing point after whji,h it is ditWcult to 
learn new things. Something like this is embodied in 
the French saying, that at 40 a man has given his 
measure. At least his vocation is settled— howcompletely 
is this seen if we suppose the statesman after travers- 
ing the dividing point abruptly changed to the soldier, 
Aud yet at an age nearly seven years later our soldier 
precipitately changed to the statesman. 

This sudden metamorphosis cannot be forgotten when 
we seek to comprehend the strange pretensions which 
ensued. It Is easy to see how some very moderate ex- 
perience in civil life, involving of coiu-se the lesson of 
oubiiriiination to republican principles, would have pre- 
vented indefensible acts. 

TLSTIMONY OF TIIE LATE EDWIN M. STANTOS. 

Something, also, must be attributed to individual char- 
acter ; and here I express no opinion of my own ; I shal 
allow another to speak in solemn words echoed itom the 
lomb. 

On reaching Washington at the opening of Congress in 
December, 18t>8, I was pained to hear that Mr. S;t:inton, 
lately Secretary of War, was in failing health. Fall of 
iTi-atitude for his unsurpassed services, and with a senti- 
ment of friendship quickened by common political sym- 
pathies. I lost no time in seeing him, and repeated my 
visits until his death, toward the close of the same 
month. My last visit was marked by a communication 
never to be forgotten. As I ent-ered his bedroom, where 
I found him reclining on a sofa, propped by pillows, he 
reached out his ban. I, already clammy cold,'and in reply 
to my inquiry, " How are i ou?" answered, " Waiting tor 
my lurlough." Then at once with singular solemnity he 
said, "I have something to sav to you." When I ^ aa 
seated he proceeded without one word of introduction : 
" I know Gen. Grant better than any other person in the 
couutrj'^ can know him. It was my duty 
to study him, and I did so night and day, 
when I saw him and when I did not see him, aud 
now I tell you what I know, ?ie cannot govern 
thUcoiintiy." The intensity of his manner and the posi- 
tiveuess of his judgment surprised me, for though I was 
aware that the late Secretary of War did not place 
the Presiilant very high in general capacity, I was not 
prepared for a judgment so strongly couched. At last, 
iifter some delay, oci-upied in meditating his remarkable 
words, I observed, " What you sa\ i- very oroad." "It 
is as true as it is broad," he replied proiuptly. I added, 
•' You are tardy; you tell this late; why did you not say it 
before his nomination J" He answered that he was not 
consulted about the nomination, and had no opportunity 
of expressing his opinion upon it, besides being much 
occupied at the time liy his duties as Secretary of War 
aud his contest with the President. I followed by say- 
ing, " But you took part in the Presidential election, aud 
made a succession of speeches for bim in Ohio and Penn- 
sjlvunia." ""i spoke," said he, but I never introduced 



the name of Gen. Grant. I spoke for the Republi- 
can party and the Republican cause." This was the 
la-<t time I saw Mr. Stanton. A few days later I fol- 
lowed him to the grave where he now Vests. As the 
vagaries of the President became more manifest, and 
the Presidential office seemed more and more 
a plaything and perquisite, this dying judgment of 
the great citizen who knew him so well hauuted me con- 
stantly da> aud night, aud I now commuuicare it to my 
country, feeliugthat it isalegacy which I have no right co 
withhold. Beyond the intrinsic interest from its author, 
it IS not without value as testimony in considering how 
the President could have beeu led into that Quixotism of 
personal pretension which it is my duty to exi jse. 

DUTY TO MAICE EXPOSURE. 

Pardon me if I repeat that it is my duty to make tMs 
exposure, spreading before you the proofs of that per- 
sonal government, which will only pass without censure 
when it passes without observation. Insisting upon re- 
election, the President challenges inquiry aud puts 
himself upon the country. But even if his pressure for 
reelection did not meuace the tranquillity of the country, 
it is important that the personal pretensions he has set 
up shoiild be exposed, that no President hereafter may 
venture upon such ways and no Seuator presume to de- 
fend them. The case is clear as noon. 

TWO TTPICAL INSTANCES. 

In opening this catalogue I select two typical in- 
stances, nepotism and gift^takingoflicially compensated, 
each absolutely indefensible in the head of a Republic, 
most pernicious in exami>le, and showing beyond ques- 
tion that surpassing egotism of pretension which changed 
the Presidential otifice into a iiersonal instrumentality, 
not unlike the trunk of an elephant, apt for all things, 
small as well as great, from provision tor a relation to 
forcing a treat}' on a reluctant Scnat« or forcing a re- 
election on a reluctant people. 

NEPOTISM OF THE PRESIDENT. 

Between these two typical instances I hesitate which, 
to place foremost, but since the nepotism of the Presi- 
dent is a ruling passion revealing the primary instincts 
of his nature ; since it is maintained by lum in utter un- 
consciousness of its offensive character ; since instead of 
blushing for it as an unhappy mistake he continues to 
uphold it; since it h:is been openly defended by Senators 
on this floor, and since no true patriot anxious for repub- 
lican institutions ran doubt that it ought to be driven 
with hissing and scoru from all possibility of repetition, 
1 begin with this undoubted abuse. 

There has been no call of Congress for a return of the 
relations ho.diug oflQce, stipend, or money-making op- 
portunity under the President. The country is left to 
the press for information on this important subject. If 
there is any exaggeration the President is in fault, since 
knowing the discreditable allegations he has not 
hastened to furnish the precise facts, or at least his 
partisans have tailed in not calling for the official in- 
formation. In the mood which they have shown in this 
Chamber it is evident that any resolution calliu;^ for it 
moved by a Senator not knowii to be for his reelection 
would meet with opposition, and an effort to vindicate 
republiuan institutions would be dt»nounced as an 
assault on the President. But the newspapers have 
placed enough beyond question for judgment on this 
extraordinary case, although thus far there has beeu no 
attempt to appreciate it, especially in the light of his- 
tory. 

Oue list makes the number of beneficiaries as many as 
42 — being probably every known person allied to the 
President by blood or marriage. Persons seeming to 
speak for the President, or at least after careful inqui- 
ries, have denied the accuracy of this list, reducing it to 
13. It will not be questioned that there is at least a 
baker's dozen in this categor . —13 relations of the Presi- 
dent billeted on the country, not one of whom but for 
this relationship would have beeu brought forward, the 
whole constituting a case of nepotism not unworthy of 
those worst Governments where office is a 1 ami ly pos- 
session. 

Beyond the list of 13 are other revelations, showing 
that this strange abuse did not stop with the President's 
relatives, but that these relations obtained appointments 
for others in their circle, so that every relation became 
a center of influence, whUe the Presidential family ex- 
tended indefinitely. 

Only one President has appointed relations, and that 
was John Adams ; but he louud public opinion, inspired 
by the example of Washington, so strong against it that 
alter a olignt experiment he replied to an applicant, 
"You know it is impossible for me to ap- 
point my o^vii relations to anytliing without 
drawing forth a torrent of obloquy." (Letter 
to Benlamin Adams, April 2, 1799 ; John Adams's 
Works. Vol. VTII., p. 634.) The iudgment of the country 
louud voice in Thomas Jefferson, who, in a letter written 
shortly after he became President, used these strontf 



■words: '• ^t. AAavas degraded himself in/tnitely by his 
cuuduct ou this sui'jcct." Bui JoUu Ailatuei, bt-sides 
ti-aueferriiigtiiB sou, Jolin Quincv Ailauti, (rouiuoe uiplo- 
utaiU' poot lo auoitit-r, uiiiioiutt^U ouly two relalivt-a. 
Fray, bir, what woidu woulil JeflVi>on use if in- were 
br-re to 6pi>ak I'n the opeu aud luullifarioui* nepotism of 
ouj- Frtpoideut 1 

OklGIN AXD HISTORY OF NEPOTISM. 

T)ie PrebideiJtial pretension is so luiportaut In every 
aniK-et, and ilic tharaelex ot republican luHiitutiotis is so 
absolutely eouiprouiised by lt8 toleration, that it cauDOt 
be treated in auy perfuuotory way. It shall uot bo uiy 
laiill ll liereatter tliere is au> doubt with reheard to it. 

Ilie word "iiepotiBUi" Is of Italian orijjin. Fiii*t ap 
penriiiK at Rouie wli>-u tlie pupal poxwr was at Its lji(;bt. 
It nerved to deftl»:iiate tUe aulboriiy and iuUueuee eser- 
eited b> the uei'liews, or umre |,'euerally llie I'auiily ol a 
Poi>e. All the laiuily of a Pope were uepliews and tbe 
Fij)ie Was universal uncle. As far baek as 1607 ibH uq- 
doiibleii abu.»e oeeupled atlenlion lo sueu a ile^:ree tbat 
It became tbe i«ubjrct ol an ai le liistorical woik iu two 
volumes, entitled // ^• ipotigmo <li Jio)itu, wbieli is lull of 
iusiruelion aud \\aruiuic*e\ eu Uir uur Ki-iiuiuic. From 
Italian lUe word pui-m-d into olUer Eurepeau languages, 
but lu tlie lai>se ol tiiye or process ot uaiuraliz.ilion, it 
bas come t<> a. note tbe mit-coinUiet ot the appoiniiUK 
power. Addison, wbo vlsileu Kouib at tll<- begiuuiug of 
the last centurv , de.'^i rlind it as "nudue patriuiage be- 
stow eil l>y the Vopes ujion tlie members ol tueir taiuili." 
But lue woV.i bapamplitied siuce, soas to embrace others 
besides PojKfs wiio ai'pouil relations to ollioe. Johnson 
in hi:? ilitiiou.try dehued it simply as "fondness for 
nephews ;" but our l.iiei?t aud best lexicogr.iiiher, Wor- 
cester, supplies a deliuitiou more complete aud safislac- 
lory: "Fnvoriiism snowu to relations ; u.iironate be- 
btowi-d in coitaideralioit of Jainily relatuinsliip and not of 
merit." buch uuiiouoted y is tue meuuiUi; of tiis word 
aa new reeeiveu aud emiiloved. J 

Tue character ol this pretension appears in its oripln 
aud history, in the early da.» s of the Church. Popes are 
desciliied as disciti'diuu all relationship, wiiether of 
blood or alliance, in theii' ai>poiulmeuis, and luiiiug to 
merit alone, althou;.'li there were soiuo with so large a 
mimher of nepiiews, grand-uepuews, brotners-in-law, 
auu relations as to battle belief, aud yet it is reeoroed 
that uo sooner dill lUe ffood Pope enter the Vatican, 
w bich is the EX"-ciilive Mansion or lioiue, than relations 
Bed. brotuers-iu-iaw bid tuemselves, grauil-uephews re- 
moved away, ami iieiihews got at a long distan;;e. Such 
was ihe eariy virtue. Nepotism did not exisi, aud the 
woid Itseli was unknown. 

At lasi, in 1471, li. years before the discovery of Amer- 
ica b> C'hristopuer Columbus, t^ixius IV. became Pope, 
and with him negan ihat iiepotisin which soon became 
famous as a Roman iiiBiitution. Boru in 1411, the son of 
a H.-hermau, the eminent lonuder was already 57 years 
old, ami he reigned 13 years, liriugiug to his tuuctions 
large experleuco as a successful preiicher, and as gen- 
eral Ol the Franciscan Iri.irs. Though cradled iu pov- 
erty, aud by the vows of lii-j order bound to luenAieaucy, 
be "betfan iit once to heap oiMce aud riches upon the vari- 
ous meiuiiers oi his tauiily, so that liis coudiici, triini its 
baref.iCed iuconsistenci' w iih the obligation oi his life, 
e.xcited, accor>iiug to tne historian, " the amnzement and 
wonder ot all." The useful reforms he attempted are 
forgotten, ami this remarkalde poniill'is chiefly reiuem- 
beied now as the earliest nepolL-»t. Diflerent degrees of 
sevi-iity are emidoyed by dillerent authors ill chaiactei- 
iziiiK ihis unbapiiy fame, iiouiilet, in his I>ictioiiai'y of 
History, having C.ilhulic aiiprob.ttiou, describes hiijj as 
'•feeble toward bis iiei>he\\s," aud our own Cyclopaedia, 
iu a luKr expositiou of liis cli.iraeter, says "he uiado 
himseil odious by excessive uepotism." But iu all vari- 
eties of expression the olfeuse stands out lot judt;ineut. 

Tlie Imineiijiiie Huece8.->or of Si.xius was Innocent VIII., 
'Whom the hlstoiiaii defierilies us " very cold to bis rela- 
tions,'' since two only obtained prelerment at his bauds. 
Bui the ex.iuiple i.I the fi>uiid'-r so lar prevailed that for 
a ceiiturj neiMitisni, as was said, " lorded it in K'lnie,'' 
except ill a few iustances worthy of commemoratiou aud 

e.\ului>le. 

ui these exceptions, tbe first in time Tvas Julius II., 
founder I'l 8i. I'etci's at Home, whose reuiarkahle couii- 
teuuiice is so beautifully preserved by Kattaelle. Though 
tlie nephew or tbe nepotist, and not declining to appoint all 
relaiious, he did it with such moderation mat iietKitism 
-Nvas said to be dyliiL.' out. Adriiin VI., early teacher of 
Cliaries V., and successor ot Lk'o X., set a better example 
by relusiiii; absolutely. But so accustomed had Koiue 
iiecome to this abuse, that not ouly by the embassadors 
but by the jieopie was be cortdeuiiicd as " too severe with 
his relations." ;A t-ou of his <-ousiD, studying at Sieua, 
started for Kou>' , trusting to obtain iiupoitaiit recogni- 
tion. Bui ifie Pope, not seeiuic hiiu, sent him back on a 
hired horse. Relations thronged iroiii oLlier places, and 
even irom across the Alps, hmgiug for that greatness 
whicli other Popes had lavished on family ; Imt .\driari 
eenl them back with u sliirht cnaugo of clothing and an 
&ilowauc« of money for tbe jouruey. One who, from 



povertv. came on foot, -was permitted to return on foot 
This Pope carried abnegation of his family so lar as to- 
make relationship an excuse for not rewarding oue who 
bad served the Church well. 

Similar in character was Marcelhis IT., who became 
Pope 111 1555. Ue was uiiwilliiitf tbat any of his f.-imily 
should come to Rome; even his brother was forbidden ; 
bui this good example was closed bv death, alter ii nign 
of 20 davs onlv. And yet this brief period of exemplary 
virtue li'asnrHle this pontiff famous. Kindred inspirit 
was Urlian VII.. who reiaued 13 days only, iu 1590, but 
long enough to repel bis relations, and also Leo XI., 
who reiirned 25davs, in 1605. To this list may lie added 
lunocent IX., who died after two mouttis of service. It 
is related that his death displeased his relations much, 
and dissolved the air-castles they bad built. 
Tbev had hurried from Bologna, but, except a grand- 
nephew, all were ohliired to return poor as they came- 
In this list I must not forget Pius V., who reigned froui 
1S65 to 1.^72. He set himself so completely aaaiiist ag- 
Krandiziiighisown family, that he was with difliculty 
lursuaded to niiike a sister's son cardinal, and would not 
have done it had not all tbe cardinals united on grounds 
of conscience against the denial of this dignity to one 
most wortliv ol it. Such virtue was part of that 
elevated character which caused his subsequent canon- 
ization. „ . i, ,, 

These pood Popes were short-lived. Tbe reigns of aU 
except Pius counted by days only; but they opened 
happv glimpses of an adniiuistratiou where the powers 
of government were not treated as a personal perquisite. 
The opposite list bad thl^ advantage of time. 

Conspicuous among nenotists was Alexander VT., 
wliose famiiv name of Borgia is damned to fame. With 
him uepotis'm assumed its most brutal aud barbarous 
developmeut, reflee»iug the character of its pontifical 
author, who w.is without the smallest ray of good. Other 
Popes were less cruel and bloody, but imt less deter- 
miued iu providiut; for their familes. Paul III., who was 
of the great house of Faruese, would have had the 
Estatel5of tbe Church a garden for the "lilies" which 
flourish on the escutcheon of his family. It is related 
tbat when Urban VIIL, who was a Barberini, com- 
lueiiced his liistoric reign, all his relations at a distance 
flew to Rome like the "bees" ou the family arms, to suck 
the honey of the Church, but not leavins behind the 
sting with which they pricked while they sucked. 
AVhetber lilies or bees it was the same. The latter pou- 
tiff gave to uepotism fullness of puwer when he resolved 
" to have no business with auy one uot dependent upon 
Lis house." In the same siiirit he excused liimself from 
making a man cardinal because he had been " the enemy 
of his nephews." Although nothing so positive is 
reeorded of Paul V., who was a Borghese, his nepotism 
appears in the Roman saying, that while serviug tbe 
Church as a good shepherd he " gave too much wool to 
bis relations." These instructive incidents, illustraJng 
tbe pontifical pretension, reflect light on the history of 
palaces and galieiies at Rome which are now admiretl by 
the visitor from distant lands. It uot created, they were 
at least enlarged by nepotism. 

It does not always appear how many relations a Pope 
endowed. Often it was all, as in the case of Gregory 
XII., who, beside advancing a nephew actually to Rome, 
called thither all his nephews and grand-nephews, 
whether from brothers or tisters, and gave them ottices, 
diunities, governments, lordships, antl abbacies. Csesar 
Bors-'ia and his sister Lucretia were not the only rela- 
tions of Alexander VI. I do not find tbe uunilier adopted 
by Sixtus, the founder of the system. Pius IV., who 
was of the grasping Medicean family, favored uo less 
than 25. Alexander VII., ot the Cnigi family had about 
him five nepliews and one brother, which acotemporary 
charatrterized as " nepotism all complete." This poutiif 
bcKan bis leiKU by foibiddinar his relations to appear at 
Rome, which redounded ai once to bis credit throughout 
the Christian world, while the astonished people dis- 
coursed of bis holiness and the purity of his life, ex- 
pectinc even to see miracles. In making the change he 
yielded eviilently to immoral pressiu'e aud the examide 
of pre.iecessors. 

The perlormauceB of papal nephews figure in history.. 
Next after tlie Borgias were the Caraflas, who obtained 
power through Paid IV., but at last beeoiuiug too inso- 
lent; and rapacious, their uncle was compelled to slxip 
them of their dignities aud drive them from Rome. Some- 
limes nephews were employed chiefly in ministeriui^ to 
pontitical pleasures, as in the case of Julius III., who, 
according to the historian, " thought of nothing but ban- 
queting with that one and with this oue, keeping his 
relations in Rome, rather to aceompanv him at banquets 
than to aid him in the government of the Holy Church, 
of which he thought little." This occasion for relations 
does not exist at Rome now, as the poutitf leads a discreet 
life, always at home aud never banquets abroad. 

These historic instances make us see nepotism n its 
oriitinal home. AVould you kuow how it was regarde* 
there? Koiuetiinee it was called a hvdra with mauv 
beads, sprouting anew at the election of a poutili : theii 
again it was called Ottoman rather than Christian iii 



character. The cotemporary historian who has de- 
scribed it so miiiut ly s:i.\ s that those -who merely read 
of it wittiout seeing- it will hud it difficult to beUeve or 
eveu iiiiiigme. The ijualUies of a Pope's relation were 
said to be " ignorance and cunning." It Is easy to 
believe that this prostitution of tlie head of the ChurcU 
wais one of the abuse!* %vliicii excited the cry for reform* 
and awalieiiea even lu Rome the ecLoesof Martin Luther. 
A brave Swiss is recorded as dedariu;;' himself uuwilling 
to be the subject of a pontiff who wat- himself tha subject 
of his own relations. But even tliis pretension was not 
without open defenders, while tlie Renoral effrontery 
with which it was mainTained assumed that it was above 
question. If some gave with eyes closed, most gave with 
eyes open. It was said tnat Popes were not to neglect 
tueir own blood, that th< y should not show themselves 
worse than the beasts, not one of whom failed to caress 
his relations, and the case of bejirs and lions, the most 
ferocious of all, was cited as authority for this recognl- 
tiou of one's ovifu blood. AH tUis was soberly said, and 
it is doubtless true. Not even a Pope can justly neglect 
his own blood ; but help and charity must lie at his own 
expense and not at the expense of his country. In ap- 
poiijlments to othcH merit and not blood is tUe only just 
recommendation. 

Tuiit nepotism has ceased to lord itself in Rome ; that 
no poutitt' billets his relations upon tlie Church ; that tlie 
appointing power of the Pope is treated as a public trust, 
auu not as a personal perquisite — all this is the present 
testimony with regard to tliat Government, wliich iiuows 
from exiierience the baneful character of this abuse. 

A3IEEICAN AUTUOEITIES ON NEPOTISM. 

The nepotisQi-of Rome was liitle known in ourcouiitry, 
and I io not doubt that Washington, when declining to 
make the Presidential office a personal perquisite, was 
governed by tliat instinct of duty and patriotism which 
rendered him so preeminent. Through all the perils of a 
seven years' war he hati battleil with tuat idiigiy rule 
which elevates a wbole family wittiout reganl to uieiit, 
fastening all upon the Uiitiou, and he had learned that 
this royal system could Hud no place in a Republic. 
Therefore he rejected the claims of relations, and in 
nothing was his example more beautiful. His latest 
biograplier, Washington Irving, records hiiu assaying: 

" So far us I know my own mind, I would not lie in the rtuiotett degree 
iniiueiiced iu uiHking nomiuations by luotnes aiisiug from tlie t.ts of 
family or blood." [Life of H'aslunyion, Vol. V,, p. 22. 

Ineu again he declared iiis purpose, 

" To discharge tbe duties of oiEce with that impartiality and zeal for 
the pui)lic eo'ni which ought never to eutti-r comitctious of blood or 
fritnilsliip to mingle so as to have the least sway on decisions of a public 
nature." 

This excellent rule of conduct is illustrated by the 
arlvice to his successor with regard to the promotion of 
his sou, John Quinc^' Adams. After givinn it as bis de- 
cided opinion that the latter was tJie most valuable 
character we had abroad, and promising to be the ablest 
of all oui* diplomatic eorps, Wasliiugtou declares: 

" If he wan now to be brought into that line, or into any other pnljlic 
walk. 1 could not, upon the principle which ijax rifguiated my own con- 
duct, disapprove of the caution which is hmted at in the letter." 

[John Atiams's liorUs, Vid. VIII., p. 530. 

Considering the importance of the rule it were better 
if It had prevailed over parental regard and the extra- 
ordinary uierits of the son. 

lu viudicatins: his conduct at a later day, John Adams 
protested against what he called "the hypersuperlative 
vli-tue" of Wasliingtou, uud insisted: 

''A President ought mi to appoint a man hec.iuse he is his relative ; nor 
onslit he to refuse or neulect to appoint him lor that reason." 

With absolute certainty that tUe President is above all 
prejudice of famiiy, and sensitive to merit only, this rule 
is not unreasonable ; but who can be trusted to auply it? 

Jefferson developed and explained the true piiuciides 
in a manner woithy of republican institutions. Tu a 
letter to a relation, immediately after becoming Presi- 
dent, he wrote : 

" The public will never be made to believe that an appointment of a 
relative ia made on the groun;! of u:erit alone, unintiuenced bv family 
views, nor can they ever see with approbation offices^, the disposal of 
which they intrust to the President for ).iublic purposes, divided out as 
family property. Mr. Adams dtgraded himself inliniteiv bv his conduct 
on this miliject, as Washington had done himself i he greatest honor. With 
two such examples to proceed hv, I should be doabb inexcusable to err." 
(Letter to George Jelierson, March 27, 1801 ; Jefferson's Woris. VoL 
IV., p. 388. 

Atter his retirement from the Presidency, in a letter to 
a kinsman, he asserts the rule again : 

"Toward acqiiiring the confidence oi' the people, the very first meas- 
nre is to satisfy them of his disint'TesitedDess, and that he"is direetjng 
their alfairs with a single eye to their good, and not to build np tortunes 
for bimbelf and familv, and especiallv that the otlicers appointed to 
transact their business are appointed becauee they are the fittest men, 
not because they are his relatious. So proue are ihey to suspicion, that 
where a President appoints a reUtion of his own, however worthy, they 
will believe that favor, and not merit, was the motive. I therefore laid 
it down as » law_pf coaduct for myself never to give an appointment to 
a relation." ^ 
. Letter to J. (. rland Jefferson. Jan. 25, 1810 ; /6jrf. , Vol. V. , p. 498. 
'riiat statement Is unanswerable. Tlie elect of the 
people must live 8o as best to maintain their interests 
aua to elevate the national eentimeut. This can be only 



by an example of nnselflph devotion to the public -weal 
which shall be above suspicion. A President suspected 
of weakness for his relations is already shorn of 
strength. 

In saying that his predecessor "degraded himself in- 
finitely by his eonduct tm this subject," Jefferson shows 
the rigor of his requirement. Besiites the transfer of hig 
son, John Qiiiiicy Adams, from onediploiimtic mission to 
another, John Adams is responsible for the apnointment 
of his son-in-law, Col. Smith, as surveyor of the port of 
New- York, and his wile's nephew, W"ilii;iui Craucb as 
Chief Justiee of the Circuit Court of the District of Co- 
lumbia — both persons of merit, and the former " serving 
through the war with hiff'li applause of his superiors." 
The public sentiment appears in the condemnation of 
the.se appointments. In refusing another of iiis rela- 
tions, John Adams wrote : 

" You know It is impossible lor me to appoint mv own relations to any- 
thing without drawing forth a torrent of oidnquv." 

But this torrent was nothing liut the iudginent of the 
American people, unwilling that Republican institutions 
at that eai'ly day should suffer. 

Tims far Johu Adams sttinds alone. If anv other Pres- 
ident has made apj-ointmouts from his own fainilv, it 
has been on so petty a seale as not to be recognized in 
history. John Quincy Adiims, when Pi csident, did not 
follow his father. An early letter to his mother fore- 
shadows a rule not unlike that of Jefferson : 

" I hope, mv ever dear and honored mother, that von are fully con- 
viiiced Irom mv lexers, which you hare before this received, tha; upon 
the conliD-fi'ucv of my father's' being placed in the first miigisJracv, I 
slicll Hever L'ive him any trouble by solicitation for otlire of anv kind. 
Your laie letters h;.ve repeated so many t^mes that I shnll In that case 
iiiveuoih.ng to &J7Jec(, that I am afraid you. have imagined it possible 
that / Ki(!//i< form iTH'ctations from fiioh an event. I had hope I that 
my mother knew ine bo-tifr: that she did me the justice to believe that I 
have not been so totaiiv regardless or forgetful of the priiciples which 
my education had instilled, nor so totallv destitute of a persona! sense of 
delicacv as to be su-cei.tide of a wish tendii:g in that direction." — Jolm 
Adisth&'s U'orku, Vol. Vill . pp. 5J9, 5J0, note. 

To Jefferson's sense of public dutv John Quiucy Adiinis 
added the sense ol per.sonaldelicticv, both strong, against 
the appointment of relations. To' the irresistibh'judg- 
ment aeaiu.st this abuse, a recent moralist, of lofty na- 
ture, Theodore Parker, im[(arts new expression when he 
says. "It is a dangerous and uniust practice." {Historic 
Americans, p. 211.) This is simple and monitory. 

PEtSIDENTIAL AFOLOGIES FOR NEPOTISM. 

Without the avalanche of testimony against this Presi- 
dential pretension, it is only necessary to glance at the 
defenses sometimes set up; for such is the insensibility 
bred by Presidential example, that eveu this intolerable 
outrage is not without voices, speaking for the Presi 
dent. Sometimes it is said that his sal;iry being far 
from royal, the people will not scan closely au attempt 
to help relations, which, being interpreted, means that 
the Presi<leut may supplement the pettiness of his salary 
by the appointing power. Let John Adams, who did not 
hesitate to bestow offiee upon a few relations of un- 
questioned merit, juoge this pretension. I quote his 
words: 

■' Every public man should be boresfly paid for his services. Bnt he 
should be" restrained from every pp.rquisile not known to the laws, and he 
should make no cla'niK upon the gratitude o( the public, nor ever confer 
an office wiiliin his pntr"n:jge upon a son, a brother, a I'rien.l, upon pre- 
tense that he -is not paid for his fervici s bv the profits of his office." — 
Letter to John J ebb. Aug. 21, XIHj: Works, \"'oL IX, p. 53:>. 

It is impossible to deny the soundness of this require- 
ment and its compieteriess as au answer to one of tiie 
presidential apologies. 

Sometimes the defender ia more audacious, insisting 
openl.y upon the Presidential prerogative without ques- 
tion, until we seem to hear in aggravated form the obnox- 
ious cry, "To the victor belong the spoils." I did not sup- 
pose that this old cry could be revived in any form: but 
since it is heard again. I choose to expose it, and here I 
use the language of Matlison, whose mild wisdom has 
illumined so much of constitutional dutv. lu his judg- 
ment the pretension was odious, " that offices aud emolu- 
ments were the spoils of Vict or J', the personal property 
of the euccessful candidate for the Presideuc.v," and he 
adds in words not to be forgotten at thi.s moment: 

" The principal if avowed without the practice, or practiced withont 
the avowal, could not tail to degiale anv Administration — both toseiher 
completelv so." — Letter to Edward Cole, Aug. 2y, 18J4. Letters and 
Writings, VoL IV., p. 356. 

These are strong words. The rule in its can., form 
could not fail to degrade any Administration. But now 
this degrading rule' is extended, and we are told that to 
the President's family belong the spoils. 

Another apology, vouchsafed even on this floor, is, 
that if the President cannot appoint his relations they 
alone of all citizens are excluded from office, which, It 
is said, should not l)e. But is it not for the public good 
that they should be excluded? Such was the wi.se judg- 
ment of Jefferson, and such is tile tustimouy from an- 
other quarter. That eminent prelate, Bishop Butler, 
who has given to Euglish Literatiu-e one of its most mas- 
terly productions, known ai " Butler's Analogy," after 



bis elevatifin to tin- See of Durham ■with its remarkable 
patruuage, WiW 6o *fU-ai;ij.\iUi; with rcgaril to ais taiuily 
tliat a uephetv caid to buu, " Metiiiuke, my lurd, it i.t ii 
iui!>furtuue to be related to vuu." GoUleu woltis of 
boiior for tbe EuKlinb bi.-lioi) ! But uoue aucUhave been 
earued by tlie Ameileuii Pix-sideut. 

Artsumiiii; tbut lu ease of pusiiivo meilt dertiK»atiug a 
citizen for a pariicular post, tlie Presideut miglit ap- 
puiijt a reiatiou, ii would be oal.v wliere tue merit wa-< 60 
HiiiuiUi; tbat bit! abseuie woald be noticed. At leu.-t it 
miul be sucb us to uiake tlic eitizeu u eaudidute >vitllout 
K-Kar.l to family. Bui uo 8Ueh merit in attributed to the 
beuttlciaries ot our I'ri-sideut, some of whom have doue 
little out briUK M-audal upou the public service. At least 
oue l.s tuiul4-d with traud, auQ uuollier, wltu the eom- 
IUi46iuu of the Kepublie abroad, ha.-* beeu guilty of iudis- 
urellouri iiji-ouel>t<-ut with hii« trubt. AppoiiKeU ori^i- 
uall> lu o|>eu dfUaute of Ucpublicau priuiipleis, they 
have been retained m oflice alter their uiitltui-e» beciime 
l>aiufiilly toufiiuiiou.-*. By the testimouy before a C'ou- 
Kres.'luiiul Commiltie, one of theije.a bnnher-iu-law, wu8 
Implicated lu bribery and corruption. It is tuiid that at 
last, aiier cousineiable delay, the I'ltsideut has cod- 
•ented to hia removal. 

Hero I leave for the present thl.s enornious pretension 
of uepotiem. waltlnif to hear it it can a^'itiu Umi uu 
apolo;n.-<t. Is there a 8iuj;le Senator who will not dismiss 
it to Judgment t 

G1FT-TAKI>G OFFICI-ViLY COiirENSATED. 

From ouo typical abase I pas*! to another. From a 
drop-ical uepotlxm swollen to elephautia.sis, which 
nobody can defend, I pa*?* to ifift-takiu^, which with our 
President has a.s.-iumed an unprecedented form. Some- 
timed public men even in our country have taken jfifts, 
but it i.s not known that any President" before hna repaid 
the patron with office. For a public man to take gilts ia 
reprilieusiblc ; for u President to wclcct Cabinet council- 
ors and other olHcers amoiij^' tlio.-e from whom he has 
taken gifts 1.-^ an anomaly in Republican annals. Oiiserve, 
Bir, that I .spt-ak of it gently, unwilling to e.\liit)it the in- 
diuuatiou wnlcu such a Presidential preteu.-;ion is calcu- 
lated to arouse. The country will judge it, and blot it 
out a.« an example. 

There have Lx-en throughout history corrupt characters 
In official t<tatiou, l>ut, whether in ancient or modern 
times, t be te.-*timouy is constant again.st the taking of 
gifts, and nowhere with more force than in oui- iicrip- 
tures, where it is said, " Thou shall not wresi juiigment, 
thou shalt not re^l^ect persons, juithcr lake a ffi/'t ; lor a 
gift doth blind the eyes of the wi.ne." (iJeuieronomy, 
xvi., I'J.) Here i.s the inhibition and also the reason, 
■which slight observation shows to be true. Does not a 
gut blind the eyes of the wise ? The influence of gifts 
is reprt seuted by Plutarch In the lite of a Spartan king : 

" For he thoa^kt tbo?>e ways of imrsppini; men by pfts and presents, 
which other kiuK« lute, diNhOQent ami iniirtiticul ; aii(l it Heemed to him to 
be tbe mnsi noble lurlhiMl and moi>t soitalile to a liing to w\u the alfeo 
tiou of those tnat came near him li) personal iiiterconrse and ngreeahle 
cuiirer<atiuo, since t>etween a frjend and a nierceuarv llje oulr diHliuclion 
it, chat we kuu the oue b) oar chararter and couTc^.^Btion, and the other 
by our money." — Flvtarcli'i Liita ; Clougli't iJSition ; VoL IV., 
p. 4T'J. 

What Is done under the influence of gift i."; mercenary; 
but whether from ruler to t-ulijecl or from sulyect to 
ruler, the gift is equally i)ernieious. An ancient patriot 
feared " the Greeks bearing gifts," and these wortfs have 
iHicoine a proverb, but there are (jreeks l>earing gills 
elsewhere than at Troy. A public man can traffic with 
Buch only at Ins peril. At their appearance the prayer 
sbouhl be said, •• Lead us not into teuiptatiou." 

The best examples tebtily. Thus, in the autobiography 
of L<'rd Brougham, posihumouslj' published, it ap)>eur8 
that iit a jfrciit meeting in (Glasgow ijno were subscribed 
as a girt to him for his imblic service, to be put in such 
form as he might tnink iiest. lie hesitated. '• It re- 
i|Ulre<l," be records, '• much consideration, as such gittfl 
were liable to abuse." Isot cnutent \\ ith his own judg 
meut, he assembli-d his trleuds to di,scu.-<s it, " Lord Hol- 
land, Lord Krskliie, liomilly and Baring," anrl he wrote 
Earl Cirey, atterwarrt Prime .MiiilnU:r, who replied: 
"Both Granville and I accei>ted a piece of platt; from 
the Cathollen In Glasgow, of no (freat value indeed, a/Ur 
ve tirre lumed i>ul. If you still fuel s< riiples, I can only 
add that It is Miipo.-.Mii>lc to err on the side of delicacy 
with resi>ect to mitiers of thi.i nature." It ended Lu hia 
accepting a small gold inkstand. 

In our country \Va«liin*;ton keeps his lofty bights, setr 
tlug iiiiuw'll against gifi-iuking an ugulnsi nepotism. In 
ITSS, while in private life, two years alter he ceased to be 
coniiuander-iu-ebiet of our urinles and four yours before 
he iM'came Piesideiit, ho could not be Induced to accept 
a rertain amount of caual stock oflered him by tbe State 
of Virginia, a** appeaiw lu an official comniiinlciitlon : 

•• It KITH me great pleaaiire to inform viu that the AaneinHv, without 
• dlii-»iitin<i toice, coni|diU,eDle I you with SO ahareo iu the Pot.imae Com- 
pany and li-O m the Jamrg K.ier fompanv."— If'ruAiTK/'on'* Wrilingi 
Vol. I.V.. p. 83: l.ctV-r of Benjamin llarrmon. Jan. (i, ITi.S. 

Fully to appreciate tUe reply ol Washington it must be 
borne In mind that, according to Wnshliitjton Irving, his 
biograpner, " Some degree of economy was necessary. 



ior his financial affair.-; had suflfered dui-ing tbe -war, and 
tbe products of his estate bad fallen ofl." But lie was 
not temuted. Thus be wrote : 

'• How would this matter be viewed by the eye of the world, and what 
would he its opinion when il comes to be related that (ieorge WaahinKton 
accept. d *-" .owl Under whatever prettn.se, and however cuotomarily 
Uie!>e gi.to are made in other countries, if I accepted this ehouUt I uot 
heucelorward be considered a< a dependent 1 1 never for a miiment en- 
tert.iiued the idea of aeceiitiiig \X."—Ibi>i., p. 85. Letter to Benjamin 
Uamscm, Janaarg 22. 1735. 

How ivdtuirably be touches the point -when he asks, 
" Il I accepted this, should I not beiicefor-svard be con- 
sidered as a dependent?" According to our Scripture 
the gift blinds the eyes; according to AVashiu.^^ton it 
makes the receiver a dependent. Iu harmony with this 
sentiment was bis subse(iuent refusal when President, 
as is reciirded by an ingenious writer : 

" lie was eiceedini^'ly careful .ibont committine himself, ivovld receive 
no faron of any lind. and Mcnipulon-ly paid for everything. A large 
hou.-e was set apart for him on Ninth-st., on the grounds now covered by 
the Pennsvlvania University, which he re/used to accept." — Col. For- 
ney's AnfC'tot^a. 

By such instances brought to light recently, and shin- 
ing m contrast with our times, \\n learn to admire anew 
the virtue of Washington. 

It -would be easy to show bo^w, in all ages, the refusal 
of gifts has been recognized as the sign of virtue, if not 
the requinnent of duty. The sttiry of St. Lou'S ot France 
is beautiful and simgestive. Leaving on a crusade be 
charged the t^uieu Kegrnt, -who remained behind, " not 
to accejit lueseiits lor herself or her children." Such was 
one of the iiiitinctions by ■«'hicb this monarch, when far 
away on a pious expedition, impres.sed himself upon bis 
country. 

My ovwo strong convictions on this Presidential pre- 
tension were arou.sed in a ct.-nversation which it was my 
Srivilege to enjoy with John Quincy Adams, as be sat in 
is sick-cbarubor at bis sou's house iu Boston, a short 
time before he fell at bis post of duty iu tbe House of 
Representatives. In a voice trembling with age and 
with emotion, he said that no public man could take 
gifts ■without peril, and he confessed that bis own judg- 
ment had been quickened by the example of Count Ro- 
manzofl', the eminent Chiincelor of the Russian Empire, 
who, after receivin? costly gifts from foreign sovereigns 
■with whom be had neaotiated treaties, felt a difflcKlty of 
conscience in keeping them, and at last banded over 
their value to a hospital, as he related to Mr. Adams, 
then Minister at St. Petersburg. The latter was im- 
pressed by this Russian example^ and through his long- 
career as Minister abroad. Secretary of .State, President, 
and Representative, always refused gifts, unless a book 
or some small article iu its nature a token and not a re- 
ward or briiie. 

The Constitution testifies agaijist the taking of gifts by 
officers of the United States when it provides that uo 
person bol.ling any office of proUt or frust under them 
shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any 
present or emolument from any king, lulnce, or foreign 
State. The acceptance ot a present or emolument from 
our own citizens was lett without constitutional inhibi- 
tion, to be constrained by the public conscience and tbe 
iusi aversion to any semblance of bargain and sale or 
bribery in tbe public ser\ice. 

The case of our President is exceptional. Notoriously 
he has taken gifts while In the public service— some, at 
least, .ifter be had been elected President— until " the 
Galena tanner ot a few hundred dollars a vear," to bor- 
row tbe words of my colleague (Mr. Wilson), one of bis 
supporters, is now rich iu houses, lands, and stock, above 
bis salary, being probably the richest President since 
George Washington. Notoriously be has appointed to 
bis Cabinet Several among these " Greeks bearing gifts," 
without seeming to see the iidecorum, if not tbe in- 
decency, of the transaction. At least two. If not three, 
of these Greeks, having no known position in the Repub- 
lican party or infiuence in tbe country, have been se- 
lected as his counselors iu national afi'airs, and heads of 
great deimrtmenis of Government. Again do I repeat 
the ■w'ords of our Scriptures: •* A gift doth blind the eyes 
of the wi.se." Again, the words of Washington : "If I 
at-ceiited this, should I not henceforward be considered 
a dependent?" 

Nor does the case of the first Secretary of State differ 
In character from the other three. Tbe President, feel- 
ing under personal obliiration to Mr. Washbiu-ue for im- 
portant support, gave him a complimentary uomluation, 
with the understanding that after confirmatiou he 
should forthwith resign. I cannot forget tbe indignant 



nominated ."secretary ot State merely as a compliment, ?" 
Kxxt this IS only another case of the public service subor- 
dinated to personal considerations. 

Not only in the ( a linet but in other oflSces there is 
reason to believe that the President has been under the 
AVn^.'^i,'*'^, '^U'^^^A""'"'- ^^^-^ ^^«s he so blind lo Thomas 
Murphy? The Custom-house of New-York, with all its 
capacity as a political engine, was handed over to this 
agent, whose want of recugnition in the Republican 



party was outbalanced by Presidential favor, and vcbose 
gitts have become notorious. And when tbe demand for 
liis removal was irresistible the President accepted bis 
rceiguatiou witb an effusion of sentiiueut natural toward 
a patron, but without justification iu the character of 
tbe retiring ottieer. 

Shakespeare, wbo saw intuitively the sprin.ss of human 
conduct, touches more tliau once on the operation of tlie 
gift. '"I '11 do thee service forsoj^ood agift," saidGloster 
t« Warwick. Then, again, now truly spoke the lord, who 
said of Timon, 

" no gilt to him 

Ent breeds the gwev a return exceeding 
All use of quittance:" 

and such were the returns made by the President. 

Thus much for gifl-takiuar, reciprocated by office. The 
instance is original and witbout precedent in our history. 

THE PRESJDENCl^ A PERQUISITE. 

I have now completed the survey of the two typical 
instances— nepotism and gift-taking officially compen- 
sated— m which we are compelled to see the President. 
In these things he shows himself. Here is no portrait 
drawn by critic or enemy ; it is the original who stands 
forth, saying, "Behold the generosity I practice to my 
relations at the expense of the public service, also the 
gifts I take, and then uiy way of rewardine the patrons 
always at the expense of the public service." In this 
open exhibition we see how the Presidency, instead of a 
trust has become a perquisite. l>ad as are these two 
capital instances, and important as is their condemna- 
tion, so that they m.iy not becoMe a precedent, I dwell 
on them now as illustrating the Administration. A 
President that can do such thinss and not recognize at 
once the error he has committed, shows that superemi- 
neuce of egotism under which Constitution, International 
Law, and municipal law, to say nothing of Kepublican 
Government in its primary pi'inciples, are all subordi- 
nated to the presidential will, and this is personal gov- 
ernment. Add an insensibility to the honest convictions 
of others, and you have a characteristic incident of this 
pretension. 

INSTANCES. 

Lawyers cit« what are called " leading cases." A few 
of these show the Presidential will in constant opera- 
tion with little regard to precedent or reason, so as to be 
a caprice, if it were not a pretension. Imitating the 
Popes iu nepotism, the President has imitated them in 
ostentatious assumption of infallibility, 

THE PRESIDENT'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 

Other Presidents have entered upon tueir high office 
with a certain modesty and distrust. Wasbiugton iu his 
Inaugural Address declared his "anxieties,** also his 
sense of " the magnitude and ditliculty of the ti-ust"- 
"awakening a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifica- 
tions." Jeiiersou in his famous Inaugural, so replete 
with political wisdom, after declaring his '" sincere con- 
sciousness that the task is above his talents," sa\s: 

"I approach it with those anxious and awful preseutiinents whica the 
greatness o( the charge and the weakne-is of inf powers so justh- inspire," 
* * * * "and I humble myself before the magnitude of the unUer- 
takin?." 

Our soldier, absolutely untried in civil life, entirely a 
now man, entering upon the sublimest duties, before 
which Washington and Jeflerson had shrunk, said in his 
Inaugural: " The responsibilities of the position I feel, 
but accept them wiUiout fear." Great predecessors, with 
ample preparation for the responsibilities, bad shrunk 
back with fear. He had none. Either he did not see the 
responsibilities, or the C:esar bes;an to siir in his bosom. 
In either case he was disqualitied. 

SELECTION OF HIS CABINET. 

Kext after the Inaugural address, his first official act 
was the selection of his Cabinet, and here the general 
disappointment was equaled by the general wonder. As 
the President was little known except from the victories 
which had commended him, it was not then seen how 
completely characteristic was this initial act. Looking 
back upon it we recognize the iireteusion by which all 
tradition, usage, and propriety were discarded, by which 
the just expectations of the party that had elected him 
were set at naught, and the safeguards of constitutional 
government were subordinated to the personal iir*- ten- 
sions of One Mau. Iu this Cabinet were persons having 
email relations with the Kepublican party, and little po- 
sition in the eouDtry,some absolutely without claims from 
public service, and some absolutely di.-qualihed by the 
gifts they had made to the President. Such was the po- 
litical phenomenon presented tor the first time in Ameri- 
can history, while reported sayings of the President 
slewed the simplicity with which he acted. To a Com- 
mittee he described his Cabinet aa his "family" 
with which no stranger could be allowed to interfere, 
and to a member ot Congi-ess he announced that he 



selected his Cabinet "to please himself and nobody else" 
—being good rules nnquestiouaoly for the organization 
of a household and the choice of domestics, to which the 
Cabinet seem to have been likened. This personal gov- 
ernment flowered in the Navy Department, where a gift- 
bearing Greek was suddenly chau.^^ed to a Secretary. No 
less a personage than the grand old Admiral, the brave, 
yet modest Farrairut, was reported as asking, on the 5th 
of March, the very day when the Cabinet was an- 
nounced, in unaffected ignorance, " Do you know any- 
thing of Boiie?" And yet thL> unconsp'icuous citizen, 
bearer of gifts to the President, was constituted the 
naval suiierior of that historic character. If others were 
less obst:ure, the Cabinet as a unit was none the less 
notable as the creature of Presidential will, where 
chance vied with favoritism as arbiter. 

All this is so strange when we consider the true idea of 
a Cabinet. Though not named in the Constitution, by 
virtue of unbroken usage among us and iu harmony 
with constitutional governmeuts everywhere, the Cab- 
inet has become a constitutional body, hardly less than 
if established by the Con.sfitutiou itself. Its members, 
besides being the heads of great departments, are the 
counselors of the President, with the duty to advise him 
of all matters within the sphere of his office, being 
nothing less than the great catalogue in the preamble of 
the Constitution, beginning with duty to the Union and 
ending with the duty to secure the blessings of liberty to 
ourselves anil our posterity. Besides cou^picuous fitness 
for these exalted responsibilities as ht-ad of a depart- 
ment, and as counsellor, a member siioukl have such ac- 
knowledgeo position iu the country that his presence in- 
spires eoiifldcuce and gives strength to the Administra- 
tion. How little these things were regarded jby the 
President need not be said. n^ 

Unquestionably the President has a discretion in the 
appointment of his Cabinet, but it is a constitutional 
discretion, regulated by regard for the interests of the 
country, and not by mere personal will; by statesman- 
ship and not by favoritism. A Cabinet is a national iu- 
stitiition and not a Presidential perquisite, unless our 
President is allowed to copy the example of imperial 
France. In all constitutional governments, the Cabinet 
is selected on public reasons, and with a single eye to 
the public service ; it is not in any respect the "family" 
of the sovereign, nor Is it " to please himself and nobody 
else." English monarchs have often accented statesmen, 
personally disagreeable when they had become repre- 
sentatives of the prevailing party, as when George III., 
the most obstinate of rulers, accepted Fox, and George 
IV., as prejudiced as his father was obstinate, accepted 
Chanuiijg. each bringing to the service commanding 
abilities. By such instances in a coustitutlonai govern- 
ment is the Cabinet fixed as a constitutional and not a 
personal body. It is only by some extraordinary hallu- 
cination that the President of a Kepublic dedicated to 
constitutional liberty can imagine himself invested with 
a transforming prerogative above that of any English 
sovereign, by which bis counselors are changed Irom 
public officers to personal attendants, and a great consti- 
tutional boiiy, in which all citizens have a common in- 
terest, is made a perquisite of the President. 

APPROPRIATION OF THE OFFICES. 

Marked among the spectacles which followed, and 
kindred in character with the appropriation of the Cabi- 
net as individual property, was the appropriation of the 
offices of the country, to which i refer in this place even 
at the expense of repetition. Obscure and imdeserving 
relations, marriage connections . personal retainers, army 
associates, friends of unknown fame and notable only as 
personal friends or friends of his relations, evidently ab- 
sorbed the Presidential mind during those mouths of 
obdurate reticence when a generous people supposed the 
Cabinet to be the all-absorbing thought. Judging by the 
facts, it would seem as if the chief aud most spontaneous 
tliought Was how to exploit the apjiointing power to his 
own personal behoof. At this period the New- York Cus- 
tom-house presented itseif to the imagination, and a let- 
ter was written eunsi^ning a military dependent to the 
generosity of the Collector. You know the rest. Dr. 
.Johnson, acting as executor in selling the distillery of 
Mr. Thrale, said. " We are not selling a parcel of tubs 
aud oats ; we are selling the potentiality of growing rich 
beyond the dreams of avarice." It the President did not 
use the Sounding phrase of the great English moralrst, 
it is evident that his military dependent felt in that let- 
ter all the " potentiality" advertised in the earher case, 
and he a<,'ied accordingly. 

It is not necessary to say that in these things there 
was departure from the requirements of law, whether in 
the appointment of his Catdnet or of personal favorites, 
even in return for personal benefactions, although it 
was plainly unrepubiican, oftonsive, and indefensible; 
but this same usurping spirit, born of an untutored 
egotism, brookiug no restraint, showed itself in another 
class of' transactions, to which I have already referred. 
Where law and Constitution were little regarded. 



10 



PRESIDENTIAL ASSAULT OX SAFEGUARD OF THE TREASURY. 

First iu time and very iudigeuoua iu cliaracter N^as the 
Prewrtential attempts apaiiist cue of tbe Bacred safe 
guards of the Tieasury, the orit;mal workmanship of 
Alexander Hamilton, being nothiutr less than the *' act 
to establish the TieKSury Department." Here was an 
imponant provj.-iou that no person appointed to auy 
ottice instituted hy the act " sha.l directly or indirectly 
be coucerued or mtt-rested iu carrying ou the business 
or traile or couimLite," and aii\ pcist.n so ofleudiuK was 
declared jiiiiliv of a hiijh misdcmeauor, and was to for- 
feit to the United States $3,000. w ith removal from office, 
and forever thereaiter to be incapable of hoi liug any 
ottice under the Uuited States. iiUttulcs-al-La)ije,\'ji. 
I, p. 67, Sejjteintjcr 2, 17«9.) From the ucgiuuiufj 
tUis statute lias stood uiKiuesiioued. until it had 
acquired the character of fundamental law. And yet the 
President, by a special message, dated M.ach G, 18€9, 
being the second day of his hrst service as a civilian, 
asked Cou^Tess to set it aside so as to euabk Mr. Stewart 
of 2<ew-York, already nominated and confirmed as Sec- 
retary ol the Treasuiy, to enter upon the duties of this 
office. This geniieman was unquestinuably the 
largest merchant who haa transacted business 
in our country, and his imports were of 
such magnitude as to clog the Custom-house. If 
the statuie was anything but one of those cobwebs which 
catch the weak Ijut yield to tne rich, this wa> tUe occa- 
sion for it, and the President should have yielded to no 
temptation against it. The indecorum ol his effort stands 
out more painfully eminent when it is cousiilered that 
the merchant lor whom he wished to set aside a time- 
honored safeguard was one of those from whom he had 
received aifts. 

Such was tne accommodating disposition of the Senate, 
thai a bid exempting tUe Presidential beueiactor from 
the operation ot the statute was piomidly iuirodueed, 
and even read twice, until, as it seemed about to iiass, I 
felt it my outv to oiject to its consideration, sajing, ac- 
cording to i/ie 67o6c, "I think it ought, to be most pro- 
touudlv considered before it is acted on 'jy the Senate." 
Tills objection caused its postponement. Tlie country 
was startled. Bv telegraph the general anxiety was 
communicated to Wasliinglou. At tne next meeiiugof 
the Senate, three days later, tne President sent a mes- 
saue requestiug permission to withdiaw the former 
message. But he could not wittidraw the impression 
produced by such open disregard of the law to promote 
Lis personal desii-e. 

ILLEGAL MILITARY RING AT EXECUTIVE MAN9IOK. 

The military spirit which failed in the effort to set 
aside a fundamental law as if it wei'e a transient order 
was more successful at the Executive Mansion, which at 
once assumed the character of military headquarters. 
To the dishonor of the civil service and in total disregard 
to precedent, the President surrounded himself with 
officers ot the army, and substituted military forms for 
those of civil life, detailing lor this service members of 
bis late staff'. The earliest public notice of this military 
occupation appeared iu The Daily Morning Chronicle of 
March 8, 1869, understood to be the official organ of the 
Administration: 

•' President G:ant was not at the White Hiinse vesterdar. but the fol- 
lowintf n;eiiil.trs of his stuff were oc<!ii(iyii:g tiie ."-eoreiaries' rooms and 
acting as such : Gens. Balicock, I'orter. Badean and beiil." 

Xtj'ie is to be reg;a-iled not only in lis strange blazonry 
of the iiresidemial pretension, but also as the first appa- 
rition of that minor Military Jiiny in which the President 
has lived ever since. 

Thus installed, array cfficers became secretaries of the 
President, delivering his messages to both Houses ol 
Cont'ies^, and even authenticating presidential acts as if 
they were military orders. Here, for instance, is aa 
official communication: 

KxBCCTiVE Mansion, March 15, 1869. 

To Robert Martin Douglas, i-eq. 

Sir: Von are hereby apijointcd AsBlitant Private Secretary to the 
President, to date bom March 15, 1369. 

Bj order of the Presiilent. 

HORACE PORrER, 

Brevet Brigadier-General, Secretary. 

Mark the words, " Ity order of the President," and then 
the signature, " Horace Porter, Brevet Brigadier Gen- 
eral, Secretary." 

The Presidential pretension which I exhibit on the 
simple facts, beside beiug of doubtful legality to say the 
least, was of evil example, demoralizing alike to the 
military and civil service, and an uudounted reproach to 
republican institutions in that primary principle, an 
nouiiced by Jefferson iu his lirst inaugural address, " the 
supremacy of the civil over the milUary authority." It 
seemed only to I'tniain that the President should sign 
his messages " Coiii-mauder-in-Chiet of the Army of the 
Uuited States." Evidently a new order of things had 
arrived. 

Ob.serve the mildness of my language when I call this 
Presidential preteuaion of doubtful legality. The law 



shall speak for itself. Obviously it was the same for 
our military President as for his predecessors, and it 
was recent also: 

'■ The President is berehv aulhorize^ to appoint a piivate secret.iry at 
an annual salarv of #3 .')' 0, au assistant secretary at an annual salarv of 
$2,5011. a short-b;)nd writer at an annual salary of $2,500, a clerk of 
pardons at an annual salarv of $2 ODO, and three clerks of the fourth 
class."— «a(«(e« at Lai-fie, Vol. XIV.. p. 2(lb. 

It cannot be dnuljted that this provision was more than 
ample, for (Jongress, bv act of July 2S, 1868, repealed so 
nnieii as auth'irizeda clerk of pardons, and also one of 
the thne clerks of the fourth class. Therefore, there 
could be no necessity for a levy of soldiers to perform 
the duties ol Secretaries, and tho conduct of the Presi- 
dciu can be explained only by the supposition that he 
preferred to be surrounded by ariuv officers rather than 
civilians, continuing in the ISxecutive Mansion the tra- 
ditions ot head((uarter.s— all of which, though agreeal>le 
to hiiu and illustrating his character, was an anomaly 
and a scandal. 

In extenuation of this indefensible pretension, wo have 
been reminded of two things : First: That aecordius to 
the record Washint:ton sent his flrst message b.v Gen. 
Knox, when in fact Gen. Knox held no military office at 
that time, but was a<'tually Secretary of War ; and, 
secondly: that the military nfflcers now occupyiugthe 
Executive Mansion, are detailed for this .service without 
other salary than that of their grade. As the Knox pre- 
cedent is moonshine, the minor militarv ring can be vin- 
dicated only as a " detail" for service in the Executive 
Mansion. 

Here again the law shall speak. By act of Congress of 
March 3, 1863, it is provided that " details to special 
service shall only be made with the consent of the com- 
manding officer of forces in the held;" but this, it will 
be seen, refers to a state of war. Congress, by act of 
Jrly 16, 1S06, authorized the President "to detail irom 
the Army all the officers and agents of this Bureau" [for 
the relief of Freedmen and Rcf ugees.l {Sialules-al-Large, 
Vol. XIV, p. lV4l ; also by act of July 28, 1868, to "detail" 
officers i>f the Army, not exceeding 20 at any time, to 
act as President, Superintendent, or Professor in cer- 
tain colleges. (Ibid, Vol. XIV, i). 336.) And then again by- 
July 15, 1870, it provided that "any retired officer ma.y, 
ou his own application, be detailed to serve as professor 
HI any college. {Ibid, Vol. XVI, p. 320.) As there is no 
other statute aurliorizing details, tliis eSeeptional trans- 
fer of army officers to the Executive Mansion can be 
maiutaiued only on some undefined ijrerogative. 

Tne Presidential pretention, which is cuutinued to the 
present lime, is the more unnatural when it is considered 
that there are at least three (iifferent statuies in which 
Cousress has shown its purpose to limit the emplo.vinent 
of military officers iu civil service. As long ago as July 
5, 1838, it was explicitly provided that no army officers 
should be separated from their regiments and corps "for 
emi)loyment on civil works of internal improvement, or 
be allowed to engage in the service of incorporated com- 
panies;" nor any luie otlicer to be acting paymaster or 
disbursing agent tor tlie Indian Department, if such 
extra employment require that he be separated from 
his reg'imeut or company, or otherwise inter- 
fere with the performance of the military duties 
proper." {Slatules at Large, Vol. V., p. 200.) 
Obviously the will of Congress is here declared 
that officers should not be allowed to leave 
their posts for a n.v service which might interfere with 
the performance of the military duties proper. This lan- 
guage is explicit. Then came the act of March 30, 1867, 
which ju-ovides chat "auy officer of the Army or Navy 
of the ilnited States who shall, after the passage of this 
act, accept or hod auy appointment in the diplomatic 
or consular service ol the Government, shall be consid- 
ered as having resigned his said office, and the place 
held tiy him in the military or naval service shall be 
deemed and taken to lie vacant."— (Zfeid., Vol. XV., p. 
125.) To a considerate and circumspect President, who 
rec<jfjuized the law in its spirit, as well as its letter, this 
provision, esiiecially when reeuforced by the earlier 
statute, would have been a rule of action in analogous 
cases, and therefore an insurmountable obstacle to a 
prcten.^ion which takes Army officers from their proper 
duties and makes them Presidential Secretaries. A later 
statute adds to the oiistacle. By act of Congress of July 
15, 1870, it is provided : 

" That it shall not he lawful for any officer of the Army of the United 
States on the aciive list to hold any civil cffi.ce, tvhtther by election or 
appomlment, and any such officer accepting or e:< ercising the functions 
of a ci HI office shall at once cease to be an officer of the ArinVj rmd 
his commission shall be vacated thei^by." — Statutes-at-Large, Vol. XVL, 
p. ol9. 

It is difficult to imagine an.vthing plainer than these 
words. No army officer not ou the retired list can hold 
any civil office ; and then, to enforce the iuhibition, it is 
provided that in " accepting or exercising the functions" 
of such office the commission is vacated. Now, the Blue 
Book, which is our political almanac, has under the head 
of " Executive Mansion" a list of *' Secretaries srd 
Clerks," beginning as follows: " Secretaries, Gen. F. T. 
Dent, Gen. Horace Porter, Gen. O. E. Babcock," when, in 
fact, there are no such officers authorized by law. Then 



11 



follow the " Private Socretary," " Assistant Private 
Socierarv," aud " Executive Clerks," authorized 
by law, but placed below those unauthorized. 
Nothui'jr is said of beiue detailed for this pur- 
pose. Tliev are openlv called " Secretaries," which is a 
title of office ; and t^iiice it is at tiie Executive Mansion, 
It must be a civil office ; and yet, in definnce of law, 
these army officers continue to exercise its functions, and 
some of them enrer the Senate wiih njessages from the 
PrcMdcnt. The apuloary that thev are " detailed" for 
tliis service is vain ; no authority chd he shown for it. 
But liow absurd to suppose ibat a rule against the exer- 
cise of a civil office can be evaded by a " detail." Tf it 
niav be done for three army officers why not for three 
diizen ? Nay more, if 'the civil office of Secretary at the 
Executive Miinsion mav be created without law, why not 
some other civil office 1 And what is to hinder the Presi- 
dent from surrounding himself not only with Secretaries, 
but with messensors, stewards, and personal attendants, 
all detailed from the army 1 Whv may he not enlarge 
the military circle at the Executive Maftsion indefinitely! 
If tlie President can be .iustified in liis present course, 
there is no limit to his pretensions in open violation of 
the statute. Here tlie Blue Book testifies again, for it 
records the names of the " Secretaries" in their proper 
places as army officers, thus presenting them as holding 
two incompatihle offices. 

I dismiss this transaction as another instance of Presi- 
dential pretensioa which, in the interest of republican 
government, should be arrested. 

UNREPUBLICAN SUBORDINATION OF THE WAE DEPART- 
MENT TO THE GENEEAL-IN-CHIEF. 

From the Executive Mansion pass now to the War De- 
partment, and there we witness the same Presidential 
pretensions by which law, usage, and correct principle 
are lost in the will of one man. The supremacy of the 
civil power over the military is typified in the Secretary 
of War, a civilian, from wliDin army officers receive or- 
ders. But this beautiful rule, with its lesson of sul)ordi- 
natiou to the military, was suddenly set aside by our 
President, and the Secretary of War dei;raded to be a 
clerk. The 5th of March witnessed a most important 
order from the President, reeousiituting the military de- 
partments covering the Southern States, and placing 
tiiem under officers of his choice, which purported to be 
signed by the Adjutant-General, by command of the Gen- 
eral of the Arinj-, but actually ignoring the Secretary of 
W'.ir. Three days latei witnessed another order pro- 
fessing to proceed from the President, whereby in ex- 
press terms the War Department was subordinated to 
the Geueral-in-Cliief, being William T. Sherman, who at 
the time was promoted to that command. Here are the 
words: " The chiefs of staff, corps, departments, and 
hureaus will report to and act under the immediate 
orders of the General cummauding the army." Tuia act 
of revolution, exalting the military power above the 
civil, showed iuatant iruits m an order of the General, 
who, uptm assuming command, proceeded to place the 
several bureau officers of tbo War Department upon 
his military staff, so that for the time there 
was a military dictatorship with the President 
as its head not merely in spirit, but in actual 
form. By-and-by John A.' Eawlins, a civilian by educa- 
tion and a respecter of the Constitution, became Secre- 
tary of War, and, though bound to the Pre3i(ieut by per- 
sonal ties, he said " check to the King." By General Or- 
der, issued from the War Department ]March 26, 1869, and 
siiiued by the Secretary of War, tbe offensive order was 
rescinded, aud it was enjoined that " all official business 
which by law or regulation re<iuires the action of the 
President or Secretary of War will be submitted by the 
chieis of staff, corps, departments, and bureaus to the 
Secretary of War." Public report said that this restora- 
tion of the civil power to its rightful supremacy was not 
obtained without an intimation of resignation on the 
part of the Secretary. 

THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVT BT DEPUTY. 

Kindred in character was the unprecedented attempt 
to devolve tne duties of the Navy Department upon a 
deputy, so that orders were to be signed '• A. E. Borie, 
Secretary of tbe Navy, per D. D. Porter, Admiral," as ap- 
pears in the official journal of May 11. 1869, or. according 
to another instance, " Diiniel D. Purtcr, Vice-Admiral, 
for the SecreUiry of the Navy." Tne obvious object of 
this illegal arrangement was to enable the incumbent, 
wlio stood hifili in the list ot gift-makers, to be Secretary 
without being troubled with the business of the office. 
Notoriously he was an invalid who. according to his own 
confession, modestly pleaded tbat he could not apply 
himself to work more than an hour a day ; but the Presi- 
dent soothed his anxieties by promising a deputy wtio 
would do tne work. Aud thus was this great Depart- 
ment made a plaything; but public opinion and 
other eounsela arrested the sport. Here I mention that 
■when this incumbent left Ids Important post it Is under- 
stood that he was allowed to nominate his succ«Bsor. 



PRESIDENTIAL PRETENSION AT THE INDIAN BDREACT. 

At the same time occurred the effort to absorb the 
Indian Bureau into the War Department, changing its 
character as part of the Civil Service. Congress had 
already repudiated such an attempt, but the President, 
not disneartened by legislative failure, sought to accom- 
plish it by manipulation and indirection. First elevating 
a member of his late staff to the head of the Bureau, bo 
then by a military order, dated May 7, 1869, proceeded to 
detail for the Indian service a long list of " officers left 
out of their reeimental organization by the consolidation 
of the infantry regiments," assuming to do this by au- 
thority of tlie act of Congress of June 30, 1834, wliicli, 
alter declaring the number of Indian Agents, and how 
they shall be appointed, provides that " it shall be com- 
petent for tbe President to require any military officer of 
the United States to execute the duties of Indian agent." 
(SUUides-at-Large, Vol. IV, p. 736.) Obviously this pro- 
vision had refeieuce to some exceptional exigency, and 
can be no authority for the general substitute of military 
officers instead of civilians confirmed by the Senate aud 
bound with sureties for the faithful discharge of their 
duties. And yet upward of 60 army officers were in this 
way fiiisted into the Indian service. The act of Congress 
of July 15, 1870, already quoted, creating an incomi)at- 
ibility between military service and civil, was aimed 
especially at this abuse, and these officers ceased to be 
Indian agents. But this attempt is another illustration 
of Presidential pretension. 

MILITARY INTERFERENCE AT ELECTIONS. 

Then followed military interference in elections, and 
the repeated use of the military in aid of the Revenue 
law under circumstances of doubtful legality, until at 
last Gen. Halleck and Gen. Sherman protested; the 
former, in his report of Oct. 24, 1870. saying, " I respect- 
fully repeat the recommendation of my last annual re, 
port, that military officers should not interfere in local 
civil difflculties, unless called out in the manner pro- 
vi(ted by law ;" and the latter, in his report of Nov. 10, 
1870, " I think the soldiers ought not to be expected to 
make individual arrests, or to do any aet of violence ex- 
cept in their capacity as a yosne comitaius duly sum- 
moned by the United States Marshal and acting in his 
personal presence." And so this military pretension, in- 
vading civil affairs, was arrested. 

PRESIDENTIAL PRETENTION ACrAIN. 

MeanwhUe this same Presidential usurpation, subordi- 
nating all to himself, became palpable in another forin> 
It was said of Gustavus Adolphus that ho drilled his 
Diet to vote at the word of command. Such at the out- 
set seemed to be the Presidential policy with regard to 
Congress. We were to vote as he desired. He did not 
like the Tenure-of-Office act, and during the first month 
of his administration lus influence was feit in both 
branches of Congress to secure its repeal — all of which 
seemed more astonishing when it was considered that he 
entered upon his high trust with the ostentatious 
avowal that all laws would be faithfully exe- 
cuted whether they met his approval or not, and tliat he 
should fiave no policy to enforce against the will ol the 
people. Tbat beneficent statute which he had upheld in 
the impeachment of President Johnson was a limitation 
on the Presidential power of appointment, and be could 
not brook it. Here was plain interference with his great 
perquisite of office, and Congress must be coerced to re- 
peal it. The House acted promyitly and passed the de- 
sired bill. In the Senate there was- delay and a pro- 
tiacted debate, during which the official jimrnal an- 
nouuced : 

" Tbe President, in conversation ■nnth a prominent Sesator, a few 
days since, declared that it was his intention not to send in any nomina- 
t>co until Ueiinite action was taken by Congress npon the Tenure-of-Otlice 
bi;i." 

Here I venture to add that a member of the Cabinet 
pressed me to withdraw my opposition to the repeal, 
saying that the President felt strongly noon it. I could 
not understand how a Republican President could con- 
seutto weaken tbe limit. itious upon the Executive, aud 
BO I said, adding that, in my judgment, he should rather 
reach forth his bands aud ask to have them tied. Better 
always government of law than ot men. 

PRESIDENTIAL INTERFERENCE IN LOCAL POLITICS. 

In this tj-rannical spirit, and in the assumptiou of his 
central imnerialism, he has interfered with political 
questions and party movements in distant States, reach- 
ing into Missouri and then into New-York to dictate how 
tbe people should vote, then manipulating Louisiana 
through a brother-in-law appointed Collector. With him 
a Custom-house seems less a place for the collection of 
revenue tluin an engine of political influence through 
which his dictatorship may be maintained. 



12 



Autbectic teatiiDony places tbiit tyraiiuical alxise l>e- 
yimJ iiue.Mlou. ^l\•w-Y^>ik a tut- sccuc uml Tuuiuas 
3Iurj)bv, Collector, the t'lvsiilriitial lii-urcuaut. Nol'Oly 
Uoubu the iutituac-y bttiwcen the Pit-sideiit and tbe Col- 
lector, Mhu ure b<<uijU tu t-acli utiicr Liv otLer lte.-< tLau 
iLosf of M'U-6ide lni;iLbt'llioo<l. Ti.c Collector ^^■as de- 
ttruiiiH-d to obtain tlie cuiiriol vt Tl;c II»'piil»lic;iu >tate 
Couveutiou, uud uppeuleU to ii piitnot >.iiiz«;u tor help, 
v^Lo replied tbut iu bis Juii^iiifiii " It Would be 
a delK-atc iiiaiter lor otlii('-b»lacri> to uiid' ituke 
to dutate to tbe uKtsoci.ttioua in tbe iiitlVreiit 
dibti'ictf! who should go I'rom them to the tot.ito 
Couveutlou, ud still uion; di-ljcat« to utti-uipt to ciiu(rol 
the jiid^iucut o( vueu eiuploycd iu tbt> (iiffcruiit dopurC- 
tueum ud to the bual uieu to repri'sent thi-ui." Tlif brave 
Collector lieutfuant of tlm Presideut said '• that he shouid. 
liot hesitatt; to do il ; that It \ra« (ien. Gr.tiil's wi»h, and 
<Jeu. Uraut wati the he.id of Uie Republican party, and 
^Lould be authority on this subject." (.Vcio-rorX- Ciis- 
toiu-huHse InvttiliyalioH, Vol. 1, p. 6^1. Testimony of 
lien, i'aliuer.) I'laiuly, the Kepublican party was his 
peujuisiie, aud all Kepul'licaus were to do his blddiiic. 
From the tuiuie testiiuouy it ai>pcars thai the 
.I're.-ideul, U4.'cordiug to the Btaieiuent of his 
lieuteuuut. * wanted to be represented in 
the Convention," beiu^ the Kepulillcau State Conven- 
tion of Ncw-Vork; wauled to h.ive bi.s friends there in 
tlie Couveution;" and tbe Presidcuiial limitenaDt, being 
none other than tbe faiuouii Collector, offered to appoint 
four uieu iu tbe Custom-bouse, if ilie witness would se- 
cure tbe nomination of certdn pcr.-^ons as delegates from 
his district, and be promi.-'cd ••that he would iiumedi- 
alely send their nameson to WaMbiuKtou and h:ive tbern 
iippoluted." Ubiii., p. 626. Tcrttiiuiiuy of William At- 
kinson.) And so the rre.>idential dictator.-^blp wu.s ad- 
iiiiui.'*tered. Otlices in tbe Cuatora-house were openly 
bartered for votes in the State Convention. Here was 
intolerable tyranny, with dem.iralizatiou like tbat of tbe 
slave u"jaiket. Uut New-York i.s not tbe only scene of 
this outrage. The Presidential pretension extends 
everywhere ; nor Is it easy to mea.vure tbe arrogance of 
corruption or the honest lndl;;uaiiou that it quickens 
into life. 

PRESIDENTIAL CONTRIVANCE AGAINST SANTO DOMINGO. 

These Presidential pretensions in all tbelr variety, per- 
sonal and military, with reckless indifference to law, 
na'.iu-allv ripened In the contrivance, nursed in hot- 
house secrecy, against the peace of the Island of S.mto Do- 
iniD>ro— I say deliberaiely, a;;ninst the peace of that 
island, for under the gui.se of annexiu? a portion there 
was menace to the Black Itepublic of Uayti. Thi* wuolo 
bu.iiiiess, ub.-olutcly indeleiisildo from beginning to end, 
being wrong at every point, is tbe sjiecial and mosc 
characteristic product of the Administration, into which 
it infused and projected itself inore than into anything 
else. In this multiform disoberlieiice we behold our 
Preeident. Already I bave referred to tbis contrivance 
ai5 miirkiug an ejiocb in Piesideniial ]>reten8iouP. It in my 
duty now tosbow it« true character as a warning against 
its author. --^ 

A tew wet-ks only aft<'r beginning his career as a 
civilian, and wliile occupied with militiir}' usuipatious 
and tbe peniuisites of oitice, he was teiiipicd by over- 
tures of Liomiuii-an plotters, headed by the usurper 
liaez and tbe speculator Cazneau. tbe first an adven- 
turer, conspirator, and trickster, de--cri bed b.v one who 
kuows him weA as " tlie worst man living of wlioiu he 
has any personal knowledge," and tbe second, one o( 
our own countrymen long resident on tbe island, known 
as disloyal turougbout the war, and ouiirelv kindred i n 
cbaracter to Baez. Listening to tbef^e prompters, and 
without one wonl in Congress or iu the press suggestin;^ 
anuexatiou of tbe island or any part of it, tbe Presi- 
dent began his contilvance, and lieie we sec abuse in 
every form and ai every step, absolultly without prece- 
dent in our history. 

Tbe agent in tbis transaction was Orvillo E. Babeock, 
a young olHi or tigui ing lu the Blue Book of tbe time as 
one of tbe uuautuo rized " secretaries " at the Executive 
Mansion, and also as a major of engineers. His put>- 
lisbed iuwtructons, under date ol Julv 17, 1869, were 
simply to make Inquiries ; but the plot appears in a com- 
luuiiicatlon of the same date from tbe fSecn lary ot tbe 
Navy, directed to the Seminole, a war-sbip, with a a 
armament of one U-Jiiuh gun and four Si- 
pounders, " to give hiiu the moral ' support of 
its guus;" and this was lollowed by a tele- 
graphic Instruction to Kei" West for another var-sbip 
"to proceed without a moment's delay to Smto Domingo 
City, to be ]>laced at the disjtosal of tien. Jiabcock while 
ou tbat coast." With sucb '• moral supiiort" tbe emis- 
t-ary of the President obtained from lue usurper Bhcz 
tliat famous protocol stipulating the annexation of 
I>omiiiica to the United biaies in consideration of 
$i,5u(',000, which the youug otUcer, fresh lioiu the Execu- 
tive iMansion, professed to execute as "Aid-de-l.'amp of 
Hia Exctlleucy Gen. Ulysses H. Grant, President of 
the United States," as if, instead gf Chiat 



Magistrate oi a Republic, the President were a 
luiiilary chieftain with his foot in the stirrup, sur- 
rounded by u military staff. Tlie same iustrumeut on- 
t;iiued tlie unblushing stipulation tliat " his Excellency, 
Gen. Grant, President of tne UnWed Stales, promises 
pricattlij to use all fiis injltiencf in order that the idea or 
annexing the Dominic, in Kcpublic to tbe United States 
iij.iy acquire such a degree of popularity among the 
meiubers of Congress as will be neces.^aiy for ics accom- 
pli.-^bment," which is suupiy tbat the President shall be- 
come u loboyis! to bring ai'out the auuexution by Coii- 
gre6s. bueh was the stiauge beginning, illegal, uncon- 
stitutional, and offeu.>ive iu every particular, but show- 
ing the Presidential cuaracter. 

Ou his retiuu to Washingcoo the youug ofhcer, who 
had assumed to be •• Aid-de-Canip of bis Excellency, 
Gen. Ulysses S. Grant," and bad hound the President to 
liecome a lobbyist for a wretched scheme, instead of 
beintf disowned and reprimanded, was sent baoii to the 
usurper with instructions :o ne^uotiate two treaties— one 
for the unu-xat.oa of tiie half island of Dominica and 
the other for lue lease of tne liay of tiamaua. By 
tbe CoiisUiutiun of tiid United States, '-Embas- 
sadors and oiher public iniui.^ters" are appointed 
by the Pre.-.idcut, by and with iiie advice and consent 
of theSenaie; but our Aid-de-Camp had no such com- 
mission. Pre.-^idential prerogative empowered him, nor 
wa« naval lorce wautiug. With three wui-sbips at hia 
(lisposiil, he entered upon negotiation with B;icz and ob- 
tained tbe two treaties. NaLurally force was needed to 
keep the usurper iu power while he sohi his coiiniiy, and 
naturally such a transaction required a Presidential 
Aido-de-Camp unknown to Constitution or law, rather 
than a civiLan duly appointed according to both. 

IKESIDENTIAL VIOLATIONS OF CONSTITUTIO.NAL AND IN- 
TEKNATIO.NAL LAW. 

On other occasions it has been my solemn duty to ex- 
pose the outrages which attended this hateful business, 
wbere at each step we arc brought face to face with 
I'rcsidential pretension ; lir.^t, iu tbe open seizure of tbe 
war powers of the Government, as if he were already 
Cresar. forcibly Intervening m Dominica and menacing 
war to Ha> ti, all of wliicb i.s proved by the official re- 
ports of the Siate Department and Xavy Department, 
being nothing less tliau war by kingly prerogative in 
defiance of that distiucrive principle of republican gov- 
ernment, first embodied in our Constitution, which places 
the war powers, under the safeguard of the legislative 
branch, making any attempt b\- tue President " tu declare 
war " an undoubted ustu-patiou. But our President, like 
Gallio, cares for nouc of these things. Tne open viola- 
tion of the Constitution was naturally followed by a 
barefaced disregard of that equality of nations, which is 
tne first principle of international law, as the equality 
of men is the Hr.-it principle of the Declaration of In- 
dei)endeuce; and this sacred rule was set a.side m order 
to insult and menace Hayti, doing unto the Black Re- 
public what we would not have that Republic do unto 
us, nor what we would have done to any white Power. To 
these eminent and most painful Presidential iu-6ten.>ions, 
tiiellr.-it adveisj to the Constitution and the second ad- 
verse to international law, add the imprisonment of an 
American citiznu in Doiu'.uica by the Presidential con- 
feflerate Ji.icz for fear of his hostility to the treaty if he 
were allowed to reach New- York, all of which was known 
to his sabordinareg. Babeock and Cazneau, and doubtless 
to himself. What was the liberty of an American citizen 
compared witii the Presidential prerogative \ To ouo 
who had defied the Coustirutiou, on which de 
pends the liberty of all, and then defied inter 
naii.inal law, ou which depends the peace of the 
World, a .single citizeu immured in a distant dungeon, 
was of small moment. Bur thi.s is only au illustiatioa. 
Add now the lawless occupation of the Bay of Samaua 
for many monihs after the lapse of the treaty, keeping 
the national tlag flying there and assuming a teiTitorial 
sovereignty which did not exist. Tueu add the pro- 
tracted support of Baez in his usurped power to the ex- 
tent of placing the national flag at his disposal, and 
girdling the island with our ships of war, all at immeuse 
cost and to the neglect of other service where the navy 
was needed. 

PKEeiDENTIAL EFFORTS FOR THE CONTRrVANCE. 

This strange succession of .acts, which if established 
for a precedent would overturn Constitution and law, 
was followed by another class of Presidential mauifesta- 
tion.'*, being, first, an unseemly importunity of Senators 
during the pendency of the treaty. Visiting the Capitol 
as a lobbyist and summoning them to his presence in 
squads iu obvious pursuance of the stipulation made by 
his Aid-de-Camp and never disowned by him, being in- 
tervention in the Senat«, reeuforoed by all the influ- 
ence of the appointing power, whether by reward 
or menace, all of which was as unconstitutio'ial 
la character as that warlike intervention on 
the island; and then, after dobute in tiie Senate, when 



13 



the treaty was lost oa solemn vote, we were called to 
•witness his self-willed effronter; In prosecuting the fatal 
error, retiiruine to the charge in his annual message at 
the ensuiug session, insisting upon his contrivance as 
nothing less than the means by which "our large debt 
abroad is to be ultimately extinguished," and gravely 
chargiugthe Senate with " folly " in rejecting the Treaty, 
and ytt, while making this astounding charge against 
a coordinate branch of Government, and claiming such 
astounding profits, he blundered geographically in de- 
scribing the prize. 

All this diversitied performance, with its various eccen- 
tricity of effort, failed. The report of able Commission- 
ers transported to the island in an expensive war-ship 
ended in nothing. The American people rose against the 
undertaking and insisted upon its abandonment. By a 
message charged with Parthian shafts the President at 
length announced that he would proceed no further in 
this business. His senatorial partisans, being a majority 
of the Chamber, after denouuciug those who had ex- 
posed the business, arrested the discussion. Tn obedi- 
ence to irrepressible sentiments, and according to the 
logic of my life, I felt it my duty to speak, but the Presi- 
dent would not forgive me, and his peculiar representa- 
tives found me disloj'al to the party which I had served 
so long and helped to found. Then waa devotion to the 
President made the shibboleth of party. 

WHEEE WAS THE GRAND INQUEST OF THE NATION * 

Such is a Summary of the Santo Domingo business in 
its characteristic features ; but here are transgressions 
in every form — opev violation of the Constitution in 
more than one essential requirement, open violation of 
International Law in more than one of its most beautiful 
principles, flagrant insult to the Elack Republic with 
menace of war, complicity with the wrongful imprison- 
ment of an American citizen, lawless assumption of ter- 
ritorial sovereignty in a foreign lurisdiction. employment 
of the national navy to sustain a usurper, being all acts 
of substance, maintained by an agent calling himself 
" Aid-de-Catijp of Ulysses S. Grant, President of the 
United States,"' and stipulaiing that his chief should 
play the lobbyist to help the contrivance through Con- 
gress, then urged by private appeals to Senatorsaud the 
influence of the appointing power tyranicallv employed 
by the Presidential lobbyist, and tinaUy urged anew in an 
An-nuai Message where undisguised iusu t to the Senate 
vies with absurdity in declaring pi-ospective profits and 
with geographical ignorance. Such, in brief, is this 
multiform disobedience, where every particular is of 
such aggravation as to merit the most solemn judgment. 
Why the Grand Inquest of the uation, which brought 
Andi'ew Johnson to the bar of the Senate, should have 
slept on this conglomerate misdemeanor, every part of 
which was oflensive beyond any technical offense 
charged against his predecessor, while it had a back- 
ground of nepotism, gift taking otlieially compensated, 
and various Piesioential pretensions beyond all pre- 
cedent — all this will be one of the riildles of American 
history, to be explained only by the extent to which the 
one man power had succeeded in subjugating the Gov- 
ernment. 

INOIGNITY TO THE AFRIC.AJf RACE. 

Let me confess. Sir, that, while at each stage I have 
telt this tyranny most keenly, and never doubted that it 
ought to be arrested by impeachment, my feelings have 
been most stirred by the outrage to Hayti, which, be- 
sides being a wrong to the Black Republic, was an insult 
to the colored race, not only abroad, but here at home. 
How a Chief Magistrate, with four millions of colored 
fellow-citizens, could have done this thing, passes com- 
prehension. Did he suppose it would not be known? 
Did he imagine it could be hushed in official 
pigeon-holes? Or was he insensible to the true 
character of his own conduct? The facts are 
inoisputable. For more than two generations Hayti had 
been i.idependent, entitled under international l.wto 
equality among nations, and, since emancipation in our 
country, commended to us as an example of self-govern- 
ment, being the first in the history of the African race 
and the promise of the future. And yet our President, 
in his eflort to secure that Nanoth's vineyard on which 
be had set his eyes, not content with maintaining the 
usurper Baez in power, occupying the harbors of 
Dominica with war-ships, sent other war-shins, being 
none other than our n ost powerful monitor, the Dictator, 
with the frigate Severn as consort, and with yet 
other monitors in their train, to strike at the independ- 
ence of the Black Repuolic, and to menace it with 
war. Do I err in any way, am I not entirely right 
when I say that here wa.* unpardonable outrage to the 
African race? As one who tor years has stood by the 
side of this much oppressed people, sympathizing always 
in their woes and struirgliii^ for them, I lelt the blow 
which the President dealt, and it became the more in- 
tolerable irom the heartless attempts lo defend it. Alas! 
that our Presiueut sUouRi be willing to wield the giant 



strength of the great Republic in trampling upon the 
representative government of the African race. Alas I 
that he did not see the infinite delit of friendship, kind- 
ness, and protection due to that pf^ople, so that instead: 
of monitors and war-«hips. breathing violence, he had 
sent a messenger of peace and good will. 

This outrase was followed by an incident in which the 
same sentiments were revealed. Frederick Douglass, 
remarkable for his intelligence as for his eloquence, and 
always agreeable in personal relations, whose only 
offense is a skin not entirely Caucasian, was selected by 
the President as one of the Commissioners to visit Santo 
Domingo, and yet on his return, and almost within sight 
of the Executive Mansicm, he was repelled from the 
common table of the mail steamer on the Poto- 
mac, where the other Commissioners were already 
seated, and thus through him was the African race in- 
sulted and their equal rights denied, but the President, 
whose commission he bad borne, neither did nor said 
anything to right this wrong, and a few days later, when 
entertaining the Commissioners at the Executive Man- 
sion, actuail.v forgot the colored orator whose services 
he had sought. But this indignity is in unison with the 
rest. After insulting the Black Republic, it is easy to 
see how natural it was to treat with insensibility the 
representative of the African race. 

ALL THESE TinNGS IN ISSUE NOW. 

Here I sta3' this painful presentment in its various 
heads, beginning with nepotism and gift-taking offluially 
compensated, and ending in the contrivance against 
Santo Domingo with indignity to the African race, not 
because it is complete, but because it is enough. With 
sorrow unspeakable have I made this exposiu-e of pre- 
tensions which for the sake of Republican institutions 
every good citizen should wish expunged from history; 
but i had no alternative. The President himself insists 
upon putting them in issue ; he will not allow them to t)e 
forgotten. As a candidate tor reelection he invites judg- 
ment, while partisans acting in his behalf make it abso- 
lutely necessary by the brutality of their assault on 
faithful Republicans unwilling to see their party, like 
the Presidential otfioe, a personal perquisite. If liis par- 
tisans are exacting, vindictive, and unjust, they act only 
in harmony with his own nature too tr'ily represented 
in them. There is not a ring, whether military or sena- 
torial, that does not derive its distinctive character fi'om 
himself. Therefore what they do and what they say 
must be cou^idered as done and said by the chieftan 
they serve. And here is a new manifestation of that 
sovereign egotism which no taciturnity can cover up, 
and a new motive for inquiry into its pernicious influ- 
ence. 

THE GREAT PRESIDENTIAL QUARRELER. 

Any presentment of the President would be imperfect 
which did not show how this ungovernable i)ersonality 
breaks forth in quarrel, making him the great Presiden- 
tial quarreler of our history. As in nepotism, gift- 
taking officially compensated, and Presidential preten- 
tious gcnerailj-, here again he is foremost, having quar- 
reled not oulj' more than any other President, but mora 
than all others togi>ther, from George Washington to 
himself. His own Cabinet, the Senate, the Housfr 
of Bepresentatives, the diplomatic service and the civil 
service generally, all have their victims, nearly 
every one of wliom, besides serving the Republican 
parry, had helped to make him President. Nor have 
army ofiicers, his companions in the field, or even his 
generous patrons, been exempt. To htm a quarrel is not 
only a constant necessity but a perquisite of ofl3ce. To 
nurse a quarrel, like tending a horse, is in his list of Pres- 
dential duties. How idle must he be should the words . 
of Shakespeare be fulfilled, "This day all quarrels die." 
To him may be applied those other words of Shakespeare, 
" as quarrelous as the weasel." 

Evidently our President has never read the Eleventh 
Cominandiiient : "A President of the United Stat«s shall 
never quarrel." At least, he lives in perpetual violation 
of it. listening to stories from horse-cars, gobbling the 
gossip of his military ring, discoursing on imaginary 
griefs, and nursing his unjust anger. The elect of forty 
millions of people has no right to quarrel with anybody. 
His position is too exalted. Hj cannot do it 
without effan^e to the requiremeufs of patriot- 
ism, without a shock to the decencies of life, 
without a jar to the harmony of ^he universe. 
If lesson were needed tor his conduct, he 
might find it in that King of EYance, who, on ascending 
the thione, made haste to declare that he did not; 
remember injuries received as Dauphin. Perhaps a 
better model still would he Tancred, the acknowledged 
type of the perfect Christian knight, who " disdained to 
speak ill of whoevi-r it miqht be, even when ill had been 
spoken of himself." Our soldier President could not err 
in following this knightly example. If this were too 
much then at least misht we hope that he would 
conaent to limit tue tpueie of his quarrelsome opera- 



u 



tions so that tb« public erviM nileht not be disturbed. 

Ol llim Ik; auurcii. lu every quarrel be is tne 
otft-Ddt-r, SMCorillu^r to Ibe fact, a« aci-or>iiui{ toevi-ry 
rea«tiiiable iirei>uuijL>tii>u ; e'>)>eciully it be re«pou»i<>le for 
it« i-oiitiuuaufe. Tuo Pr«»iileut can ul ways cboose bi» 
r»-latioiis witb auy citizeu. but be iboo*es di»oord. 
Wnb tbe arru^iiure vt aiujh he reseui^ auy laii>eJiiueut 
iu bin patb, as wbeu, iu Ibe 8i>iiu^ ut li^O, wirboUC 
allu.-iOU IU bl!UM:tf. 1 felt ll uiy Out\ U' uppuae bU >auto 
iKiuiiugo foiitrlvauio. Tue vtir»«j of Jiiveual, an truus- 
lat«d bv UryUcu i:iatirt». III., t6i, I63) Uci»cribt;« bid 
c-ouduct : 

" Poor m* be 6(;kta. if Ui*t b« Cf bting, when 
Hr uoir eud^oU. K.^>1 I oalr tear." 
• «•••••••• 

" Aufti or >B**rr oo( 'tU «n t!j« sime, 
Uc U>i nic 00 aiMl iiukrs luc txar ihc bUmr." 

Another kvbularly truui-lator »;ive«! to ibin description 
of tbe PreAiUculittJ quariel auutber form, Wblcb id ul»o 
itpplicabie : 

" If Ui*t be d«rwrd ■ quarrel whrrr. H--*Ten koom, 
He uiil< gitr» anl I trm\t Ihr b oir« — 
Arnxa Oil ixtb br fin.l-« • .<1 t iji inr »°>DU| — 
1 U*v u:wc«jaiuiu 10 ibe lUcaJ roiniujiDJ." 

If the latter verse U uot entirely trun iu my case, «<ome- 
tbiug uiuet be I'urduued to tbut liinrty lu wbicb I was 
burn. 

Aleu take their (ilAceii In bl>tory ui-eordiuK to tbelr 
deeil*. Xlie flattery til lite la Ibeli ^ul^el -etleil by Uie 
truthful record, and ruli-rt i!o not et» ape J.i(l:.-ii.eiit. 
lyoiii- X "t rraiice ban the ilei«i>.')iatiou of Lf JJulin or 
••'i • r," bv which be 1-. knosMi lu the loujc lino 

01 1 ^^. Auil HO lu tbu luut; line of Aluericau 

CI . ; it« It bu« oui Piol.ltiil viuilicatcd tor biiu- 

sell ILi- .-...uie title. lie iuu~t Wear it. The Krenc'l 
uiouiirch wui< > ouuxer tbuii our I'resideut, but there 
ure other iMiiuta in hbt life which are nut witinnit 

Jmrullel. AccorUiiiK to u coiileui|K)rary cbrou- 
cle be waa " well-dlsjioBed but uot miv utleu- 
Llve to the iieedi* L.f the kiiitrtloiu "— r«/«"n<i/ m«i» /jji« 
bien enUnti/ en ee qu'au royaume U fatluit ; uud ilu-u 
ntiaiii It waa tils rare fi rluue lu m^u oue of (be unute.'^t 
ordlu.lUce^ of Freiicb histi-ry, ilecl.iriuif that u<c«irdlnK 
to U>i(ure all UieU ba\e tije ritlit lo betlfe; but the 
<^uarrbT wuK III uu ieH)iect author ut thU illu-triou.^ iH-t, 
uud waa uioveil to llh ailoiitiou l>y conhideratloUH ot prr- 
(iuii.il.iilvautat.-e. It willlM' fi>r I'uipartlai bL-slory to de- 
teruiine If our C^uarreler, who tre.itcd his <re.tt otli-e as a 

iierKoual |M-ri|Ul-lte, and all hiHiife Ionic waa avaiunt that 
!:iiriiiii€bif>viiH'liI lo which he i>ut hbt Uauib, docd Uot tall 
Into tbe aauie cate»;(iry. 

tiLTV OF TJIK KEIIBLICAN PARTV. 

Here I ittui>, aud iiuw the (lucatiou of duty ia presented 
to tbe Kepuidhuu party. I like that word. It 1.-4 at the 
luandate of du^y that we luuat act. Do the Presbleutial 
pretenitlous luerlt tbe sanction of the party t Can Re- 
puMicaua. without depaitliiK from all oblif^atiuiiH, 
whether of party or patilotl.siu, reco>fullu our umlii- 
tloiiB Ca!'»ar U4 u vroper rcpnaeut.iiive 1 Can we 
take the fearlul ret<i>on.'iiliility of bia prolouped einiiirel 
I put thene qiieatioUH Hu'einulv, u.-* a uieiuber ol the 
Ri pull lean party, with all the eamotnes.-. of a life 
devoted to the triumph of thltt part,}', but wlilch 
I nerved uiwaya with the rouvlctiou th.it I Kave 
up iiothliiK that w.iM ineaiit for coiititrv or uiankiiul. 
^^ Itli me the parlv wua country ami mankind: but witb 
tbe u.topllou of all tliffte I're.'tidentlal pri'lwn..touH, tbe 
party io.M-a ita dl.itinctlve diaiacter unci iirojw ffiiii its 
Bfiheri'. Ita cn-ed ceaai-B to Imj licpublicani^in ami be- 
romea (jraiiliain ; Ita iii<-iiilKTa ceii.-e to bi- U<-|)iihlicau.4 
uud ln-coine (iruiit-uien. It la no loMjfer A political party, 
but a i>er$onal party. For luyHcIf, I say o|>eiil_\-. I aoi uo 
tuuu's luau ; uur do I beloiiK lo an> personal x>arty. 
OSt TEKM KuK IltEHII»t..NT. 

Tlie attempt to change tlio character ul the Republicnn 
party iM'glus by araault 011 the principle of One Term for 
I'renldi'UL Therefore 111 lutt our niipport of thia n (lulre. 
uieul t>« tuade maulfeat ; and here wo have the teati- 
Uiony of our rrenblent, and, what la Ktrouver, hli exam- 
ple, hhowiuK the ueic&^iily of auch llmiUliou. Authentic 
report atteaUi 'bat before hia nomination he declared 
that *' The lliicrtieH of the country ruunot be maintained 
without a iinv Term aiiicu-liiieul of the ('onaf iliitiou." 
At I Ilia lime .Mr. W.i.ie wu.^ picaaunf ihla very 
aiuendjueut. Th- u ill<r bis uomla.ajdii, aud while bfa 
clei tl..n w..a ih-uiIiiik', the orK.m of tlie K piililb an paity 
at ^^llahlllKton. wb-rc lie lenldcil, coinun nd' d hini i ou- 
Mautly ua lallhf il to the princlpbi. The Morninu Chron- 
icle u\ JuiieJ, 1>K^U, after the caiiva.s* had coiuiucnced, 
lilmXilined of the caiiilid.it'-. " IJr tt, moreJitfr, an itilviJ- 
caU 0/ the One term jtrinciple. aa coudiK Inn t^>Wiud the 
prujH r admiulatralloii of tin- l^w— .1 princiiilo wiin wiilc.u 
•HI many pr> mliieul liejiubllcaua buvo Idclilltled Ibeiu- 
•«lvca thai u Uiuy be u«t.cptcd \iu> au urUde of piiriy 



faith." Then again, July 14, the same org"'n lu- 
Msted, '-Let not CuDfir.s.-' adjourn without pasbi.g the 
One Term uuiemlmeut to the Coustitutiou. • There has 
uever been ao lavoruble an opporiuuity. All parties are 
iu favor 01 it. o;<!rt. Grant is in jucor 0/ U. The paity 
that support." Gen. Grant demauds it, aud above all tise 
pui.lic morality calls lor it." Cousideniig that these 
pledges were made by au 01 g.in ot the party, and lu his 
verv preaeucc, they uuiy ue accepted as proceediug from 
bim. His name mu.>t be added to tbe liit witli Andrew 
Jackson. Wiili.im Henry Hariioon, Henry Clay, aud 
lieiijamin F. Wad -, all of w bom are enrolled agaiust the 
rce,ifiibilit> of a Piesideut. , • ,. ^ 

liui hia example as Pie-ldeut is inorp than his testi- 
mony iu 6howiUf< the necessity of this limitation. Andrew 
Jacttson did not hesitate lo ^ay tuai a w.is rc<iuiied 
lu older lo place the Pie.>idout beyond the reach of any 
improper iuUuence and ua> oiumitted to auy other 
course than tbe btrict line of coUstiiucional duty." Wil- 
liam Heuiy Harri-on followed in declaring that with tbe 
udoj'tion of tills ijrinciple " the iucumlK-nt would devote 
all his lime lo the public iutcrcst, aud there would he no 
cause to misrule the couutrv." Henry CJay was satisfied 
after much obsiTvatioii and' retlrctiou, " that too much 
of the lime the ihouguts and the eXiTiious of the iucum- 
beni are occupied during the tirst term iu securing his 
reelection." lieiyumiu F. Wade, alter deuouuciUK the 
rei-iigioiiity of the President, said: "There are defects 
in the c:onistitiitiuii, and this is among the most glar.ng." 

Aud now our Presideul by his example, besides his 
testimony, vin iicates all these uuthorities. He makes 
us see bow ail that has been predicted ot Presidtuts 
becking It election is liiimied; bow this desire douiiuaies 
olUt iai conduct; how naturally the resources of the Gov- 
ernment arc employed to serve a personal purpose; how 
the national interests are subordinate to individual 
advancement; how all questious, foreign or domes- 
tic, whether of treaties or laws, are handled with 
a view to electoral voics; how the ajipoiutiug 
jiower lends ibseit to a seitish will, acting now" by tiie 
temptation ol oilice and tbeii by the menace ot removal; 
and, since every otliee-holder and every otlice-seeker has 
u brevet i-ommis>iou in tlie predomiuaut political parly, 
how the President, desiring reelection, hecomes the ac- 
tive head of tnree cooperating armies, the army of olfioe- 
hoiders, bO.oOO strong, tue larger army of office-seekers, 
and tne army of lue political p.irty, the whole cou- 
stituiing a con-olidato« power which uo can- 
didate can possess wituout peril lo bis country. 
01 inese vast cooperating armies the Pre.sideut is com- 
mauder-iu-chiel aud generals.>imo. Thougu ii.e.-.e ue 
bolus lu suiimissiou even Keiire-^eitatives aud tieiiator.-, 
and makes tlie country his vassal with a c^uilitiou uoc 
unlike tliat of martial law where the disobedient are 
siiot, while the various rings help secure ihe prize. Tuat 
this i.i not loo sirong api'ears from testimony before a 
HeuaieCouimiitee, wheiea Presiilential lieiiteuaut boldly 
denounced uu eminent New-York citizeu, who wasa proiu- 
Int-nt candidate lor Governor, as "obnoxious to Geu. 
Grant," and, then with an etfi outcry like the Presiden- 
tial iireteiisioii, auuouuced ihat " Pret<ident Graut was 
the representative and head of the Republicau party, 
aud all good K'publii una should buppuri him iu alibis 
measures ana apiioiutmeuts, aud any one who did uotdo 
It aaouid be c/-i<«/it;<< ottt." buch things teach how wise 
were those statesmen who would not sui'jtct the Presi- 
dent to the teuiutationor even the suspicion of using hia 
Vaat jiowers in promoting personal ends. 

Unquestionably the One Man Power has increased lat- 
Hrly be.voiiu exaiiipl.-, owing partly to the greater 
JacUitics ot intercourse, especially by telegraph, so that 
the whole country is lasily reacn.d ; p.irtiv to improve- 
ment.- iu organization, by which distant places are 
brought iuto uuiiv; and partly through the protracted 
prev.ileuce of tlie military spirit createti by lue war. 
There wasa time iu Jiiiglisu hi.-tory when the House of 
Commons, on tile mmiou of the famous lawyer, Mr. L)uu- 
ulUi.', adopted the icsolution: "That the inlluunce of 
the Crown has increased, is iucreasing, aud ought 
lo be (limliii.-^Licd." Tae same declaration ia 
uieded witu regard to the Pie,>*ldeut; aud the 
very words 01 the p.irliamcntary iiatriot may 
bo repeated. Iu his memorable speech, Mr. Hunuiug, 
utter saying that he did not rest " iiiiou proof idle to te- 
yiure," declared luat ihc gucstiou " must be decided by 
the cuuscicHces of tho.-,o who, as a Jury, were called to 
determine wn.a was or was not within their own knowl- 
edge." {Uanxard, I'arUuineniunj History April, 1S70, 
Vol. XXI.. p. M~.) It Was On gioiiud of notorieiy cog- 
nizable to all that he acted. And precisely on this 
ground, but al.so with specihc proofs, do I insist that the 
liiflaence of tUe I'rc.sident h is increased, is increasing, 
und ought to bo dimiuisiied. But iu tiiis excellent woik, 
well woiihy the best edoris of all, nothing is moreim- 
p riant th.iu is the limitation to one term. f 

There is a aem.ind lor lelorm lu the Civil 8crvice, and 
th< Pre^.K 111 lonually adopt- thi.-j demand ; but he ne". 
beta the brst sicp, hich depends only on himseif. 
Frumtijis we iiia.\ jud^c his flitle earuestue.ss iu the 
cauae. Btyoad all quesUou, Civil Service Kolorm must 



15 



be/fin by a limitation of the President to one term, so 
lliai till' tniuptatiou to use the appoiuting power forper- 
eoual ends may clinappear from our Si'stem, and this 
great disturbiiiK force cease to exist. If the Piesideut 
IS sincere for reform, it will be easy for him to set the 
example by cleclariurf again his adhesion to the One- 
Term principle. But even if he fails we must do our 
duty. 

Therefore, in opposing the prolonged power of the 
present iniumbeut, I be^in by insisting that, fur the good 
of the country and without relerence to any jiersdual 
failure, no President should be a candidate for reelec- 
tion ; and it is our duty now to sec an example w orthy ot 
Kt-publicau Institutions. In the name ot the One-Term 
priuciph', once reciiguized by him, and which needs no 
other evidence of its necessity than his own Presidency, 
I protest against his attempt to obtain another lease of 
power. But this protest is on the threshold. 

UNFITNESS FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE. 

I protest against him as radically unfit for the Presi- 
dential office, being essentially military in nature, with- 
out experience in civil life, without aptitude for civil 
duties, and without knowledge of Republican Institu- 
tions, all of which is perfectly apparent, unless we are 
ready to assume that the matters and things 
Bet forth to-day are of no account — and then 
declare in further support of the candidate, 
boldly, that nepotism iu a President is nuth- 
ing, that gift-taking with repayment iu official patron- 
age is uotliiiig, that violation ot the Constitution and of 
law international and municipnlis nothing, that indig- 
nity to tlie African race is nothing, that (juarrel wiib 
political associates is nothing, and that all his presiden- 
tial pretensions in their motley agjtregatiou. being a new 
Cae-iarism or personal go vernment, are nothing. But if 
these are all nothing, then is the Republican party 
nothing; nor ia there any safeguard for Republican in- 
stitutions. 

APOLOGIES. 

Two apologies I hear. 

The first is that he means well and errs from want of 
knowledge. This is uoi much. It was said of Louis the 
Quarreler, tliat he meant well; nor is there a slate head- 
stone m any villiage burial ground that does not record 
as much of the humble lodger beneath. S imething more 
is needed for a President. Kor can we afl'ord to per- 
petuate power iu a ruler who errs so much from igno- 
rance. Charity for tne past I concede; but no investiture 
for the fiuure. 

The other apology is that his Presidency has been suc- 
cessful. How i VVhenl Where? Not to him can be 
attributed that general prospeiitv which is the natural 
outgrowth of our people and country, for his coutribu- 
tion is not traced in the abounding result. Our golden 
fields, productive mines, busy indui-try, diversified 
commerce, owe nothing to nim. Show, then, his 
success. Is it in tbe finances? The national 
debt has been reduced, but not to so large 
an amount as by Andrew Johnson in the 
same space of time. Little merit is due to either, for 
each emplojed the means allowed by Conaress. To the 
American people is this redaction due, and not to any 
President. And while our President in this respect is no 
better than his predecessor, he can claim no merit for 
any systematic elTort to reduce taxutiou or restore 
specie payments. Perhaps, then, it is in foreign rela- 
tions that he claims the laurels he is to wear. Knowing 
something of these from careful study and years 
of practical acquaintance, I an bound to say 
that never before has their management been 
so wanting in ability and so abscilutely witbout 
character. In every direction is muddle— muddle with 
Spain, muddle with Cuba, muddle with the Black Repub- 
lic, mndule with distant Corea, muddle with Venezuela, 
muddle with Russia, muddle with Enaland— on all sides 
one diversified muddle. To this condition are we re- 
duced. When before in our history have we reached any 
such batljos as that to which we have been carried in 
our questions with England? Are these the laurels 
for a Presideut'ial candidate? But where are they? 
Are they found on the Indian frontier? Let the 
cry of massacre ana blood from tbat distant region 
answer. Are they in reform of the Civil Service ? But 
here the initial point is the limitation of the President to 
one term, so that he may be placeci above t«iuptation; 
but this he opposes. Evidently he is no true Reformer. 
Are these lauiv-ls found in the administration of the 
Departments? Lei the discreditable sale of anus to 
France in violation oF neutral duties and of munici|ial 
statute l)e the answer, and let the Custom-houses of New- 
York and New-Orleans with their tales of favoritism and 
of nepotism, and with their prostitution as agencies, 
mercenary and polliical, echo back the answer, while 
Senatorial committees organised contrary to a cardinal 
principle of parliumeutary law as a cover to these scan- 



dals, testify also. Where, then, are the laurels ? At last 
I find them fresh and brilliant iu the harmony which the 
Pi esident has pri served among Republicans. Harmony, 
do I say ? This should have been his congenial task ; nor 
would any aid or homage of mine been wanting. But in- 
stead he has organized discord operating through a suc- 
cession of rings, and for laurels we find only weeds and 
thistles. 

Bui I hear that he is successful in the States once in 
rebellion. Strange thai this should be said while we are 
harrowed by the reports of Ku-Klux outrages. Here, asin 
paying the national debt. Congress has been the effective 
power. Even the last extraordiuary measure became ne- 
cessary, in my ju'lgnieut, to sui)plement his little erti 
ciency. Had the President put into the protection of the 
colored people at the South half the effort and earn- 
est will with whion he mainttjined his Santo DomiuKo 
contrivance, the murderous Ku-Klux would have been 
driven from the field and peace assured. Nor has he 
ever exhi luted to the colored peoide any true sympathy. 
His conduct to Frederick Douglass on his return froin 
Santo Domingo is an illustratiou, and so also was his 
answer to the committee of colored feliow-citizens 
seeking his countenance for the pending measure of 
Civil Rights. Some thought him indifferent; others 
found him insulting. Tneu came his recent letter 
to the great meeting at Washington, May 9, 1872, 
called to asset t these rights, where he could 
say nothing more than this : " 1 bee to assure you, bow- 
ever, that I sj'mpathize most cordially in any effort to 
secure for all o ir people, ot whatever race, nativity, or 
color, the exercise of t/tose rlyltls to winch every citizen 
should be entilled." Ot coiu-se everybody is iu "favor of 
" the rights to which every citizen should be entitled." 
But what are these rigbts i And this meanintrless juggle 
of words, entirely worthy of the days of Slavery, is all 
that is Vouchsafed by the President for the equal rights 
of his colort'd fellow-citizens. 

I dismiss the apologies with the conclusion that, in the 
matters to which they invite attention, his Presidency ij 
an enormous failure. 

THE PRESIDENT AS CANDIDATE. 

Looking at his daily life as it becomes known through 
the press or conversation, his chief employment seems 
the dispensation of patronasre, unless society is an em- 
ployment. For this he is visited daily by Senators an^ 
Representatives bringing distant constituents. The 
Exeeutive Mansion has become that famous treasury 
trough, described so well by an early Cougressionac 
orator : 

'■ Suoli running, such jost liner, snrh wrig'gling, sach clanihering over 
one aDotlier's backs, such sque:iliag l/ecause the tub is so narrow ai)d tht 
comimny is so cruwiled" Upeech 0/ Josiah Quincy. Jan. 30, Ibll, An 
n'j.'« of Congress, page 851. 

To sit behind is the Presidential occupation, watching 
and feeding the animals. If this were an amusement 
only, it miKht be pardoned; but it must be 
seen in a more serious light. Some nations 
are eoverned by the sword; in other wonts, 
by central force commandinc obedience. Our 
President governs by officers ; in other words, 
by the appointing power, being a central force by which 
he coerces obedience to his personal will. Let a Senator 
or Representative hesitate lu the support of his auto- 
cracy, or doubt if be merits a second term, and 
forthwith some distant consul or postmaster, 
appointed by his Influence, begins to tremble. The 
"Head Center" makes himself felt to the most 
distant cJreuinference. Can such tyranny, where the 
military spirit of our President finds a congenial field, be 
permitted to endure ? 

In adopting him as a candidate for ree'lection, we 
undertake to vindicate his Presidency, and adopt in all 
things the insulting, incapable, aid-de-campish dictator- 
ship which he has inaugurated. Presenting his name, 
we vouch tor his fitness, not only in original nature, but 
in experience of civil life. In aptitude for civil duties, in 
knowledge of republican institutions and elevation of 
purpose; and we must be ready to defend openly what 
he has openly done. Can Republicans honestly do this 
thing? Let it be said that he is not only the greatest 
nepotist among Presidents, but greater than all others 
together, and what Republican can reply? Let it be 
said that he is not only the greatest gift-taker among 
Presidents, but the only one who repaid his patrons at 
the public expense, and what Republican can reply ? Let 
it be said that he has openly violated the Constitution 
and International Law. in the prosecution of a wretched 
contrivance against the peace of Santo Domingo, and 
what Republican can reply? Let it be said that 
wielding the iJower of the Great Republic he has in- 
sulted the Bla<.'k Republic with a menace of war, in- 
volving indienit.\ to the African race, and what Repub- 
Uean can reply ? And let it be added that, 
unconscious of all this misrule, he quar- 
rels without cause, evew with political suppiu-ters 
and on such a scale ns to become, the greatest Presidential 
QuaiTcler of our history, quarreling more tluiia all other 



16 



Prpsidente topetLer, and what Eopubliran can reply ! 
It will not be eiJOii«h t»> say tbat be vras triumpLant'in 
war, as Siipio, the victor of Hauuibal, reuiiiitled (he 
Koiuau people tbat on this day be conquered at Zaiua. 
Others have l>een triumphant in war and failed in civil 
life, as MarllKirousrh, whose heroic victories seetned 
unaccountable in tlie frivolity, the iirnorauce, and the 
hcartlessiiess of his preteniled statesmanship. To Wash- 
ington was awarded that rarest tribute, " llrst in war, 
first in peace, and first In the hearts of his countrymen. " 
Of our President it will be said willingly, "flr»t in war,'' 
but the candid histiiiian will and. "first in nepotism, 
first in gift-takiuK repaid by official patronage, first in 
Presidential firetensious, and first in quarrel with his 
countrymen." 

Anxioasly, earnestly, the country asks for reform, and 
stands tip- toe to gi-eet the coiainer. But how expect re- 
form from a President who needs it so much himself 1 
Who shall reform the reformer ? So, also, does tho coun- 
try ask for purity. But is it not vain to seek this boon 
from one whose Presidential pretcusions are so dem()ral- 
iziiig? Who shall purify the purifier 1 The country a.«k8 
for reform in the civil service, but bow expect any such 
change from one wlio will not allow the Presinential 
office to be secured against its worst temptation? Tbe 
country desires an example for the youth of the land, 
where intelligence shall blend with character and both 
be elevated by a constant sense of duty with unselfish 
devotion to tiie puoiic weal. But how accord this place 
to a President who makes his great office a plavthiugand 
perquisite, while his highest Industry is in quarreling? 
Since Sancho Panza at Barataria no Governor has done 
so well for his relations at the expense of the country, 
and if any other h:is made Cabinet appoiutm<>nts the re- 
turn for personal favors, his name has dropped out of 
hiKtory. A man is known by his acts; so. also, by tbe 
company be keeps. And is not our President known by 
bis intimacy with those who are by-words of distrust ? 
But all these by-words look to another term for perpetu- 
ation of their power. Therefore, for the sake of reform 
and purity, which is a longing of the people, and also 
tbat the Chief Magistrate may be an example, we must 
seek a remedy. 

See tor one moment bow pernicious must be the Presi- 
dential example. First in place, his pei sorial influence is 
far-reaching beyond that of any other citizen. What he 
does others will do. What he fails to do others will fail 
to do. His standard of conduct will be accepted at least 
by his political supporters. His measure of industry 
and his sense of duty will be the pattern for tbe country. 
If he appoints relations to oftice and repays gifts by 
offlciali)atrouage, making his Presidency "a great gift 
enterprise," may not every ofliee-holder do likewise, 
each in his sphere, so tbat nepotism and gift-taking offi- 
cially compensated will be general, and gift enterprises 
be multiplied indefinitely in the public service? If he 
treats his trust as plaything and perifuisite, why may 
not every office-bolder do the same ? If he disregards con- 
stitution and law in the pursuit of personal objects, how 
can we expect a just subordination from others? If bo sets 
ui> jtretensions without number, repugnant to republican 
institutions, must not the good caiise suffer? If be is 
stubborn, obstinate, and perverse, are not stubbornness, 
obstinacy, and perversity commended for imitation? 
If he insults and wrongs asso<iates in official trust, who 
18 safe from the malignant influence having its propul- 
sion from the Executive Mansion ? If he fraternizes 
with jobbers and Hessians, where is the limit to the de- 
moraliziition that must ensue ? Necessarily the public 
service takes its character from its elected chief, and the 
whole country reflects the President. His example is a 



law. But a bad example must be corrected as a bad 
law. 

APPEAL TO T!1E KEPUnLlOAN PARTY. 

To the Republican party, devoted to ideas and princi- 
ples, I turn now with more than ordinary solicitude. 
Not willingly can I see it sacrificed. Not without 
earnest effort against tbe betrayal can I suffer its ideas 
and principles to be lost in tbe uersonal pretensions of 
one man. Both the old parties are in a crisis, with this 
difference between the two. The Democracy is dissolv- 
ing; the Republican party is being absorbed. The Democ- 
racy is falling apart, thus losing visibly its vital unity; tne 
Republican party is submitting to a personal influence, 
thus visibly losing its vital character. The Demoi'racy is 
ceasing to exist. The Republican party is losing its iden- 
tity. Let the process be completed, and it will be no 
longer that Republican party which I helped to found 
and have always served, but only a personal party, while 
instead of those ideas and urinciples which we have 
been so proud to uphold will be Presidential pretensions. 
and instead of Republicanism there will be nothing but 
Grantism. 

Political parties are losing their sway. Higher than 
party are country and the duty to save it from Caesar. 
The caucus is at last understood as a political engine, 
moved by wire-pullers, and it becomes more insup- 
portable in proportion as directed to personal 
ends ; nor is its character changed when called 
a National Convention. Here too are wire-pul- 
lers, and when the great Officeholder and tbe 
great Oflficeseeker are one and the same, it is easy to 
see how naturally the engine responds to the central 
touch. A political convention is an agency and con- 
venience, but never a law, least of all a despotism ; and 
when It seeks to impose a candidate whose name is a 
synonym of pretensions unrepublican in character and 
hostUe to good government, it will be tor earnest 
Republicans to consider weU how clearly par- 
ty is subordinate to country. Sucli a nomina- 
tion can have no just obligation. Therefore 
with unspeakable interest will tlie country watch 
the National Convention at Philadelphia. It may be an 
assembly (and such is my hope !) where Ideas and princi- 
ples are above all personal pretensions, and the unity of 
the party is simbolized in the candidate, or it may add 
another to Presidential Rings, being an expansion of the 
Military Ring at the Executive Mansion, the Senatorial 
Ring in this Chamber, and the political ring in the Cus- 
tom-houses of New-York and New-Orleans. A National 
Convention which is a Presidential Ring cannot repre- 
sent the Republican party. 

Much rather would I see the party, to which I am ded- 
icated, under tbe image of a life-boat not to be suuk by 
wind or wave. How often have I said this to cheer my 
comrades. I do not fear the Democratic party. Noth- 
ing from them can harm our life-boat. But I do fear a 
quarrelsome pilot, unused to tbe sea, but pretentious in 
command, who occupies himself in loading aboard his 
own unserviceable relations and personal patrons while 
be drives away the experienced seamen who know the 
craft and her voyage. Here is a peril which no life-boat 
can stand. 

Meanwhile I wait the determination of the National 
Convention, where are delegates from my own much- 
honored Coninionwealth with whom I rejoice to act. 
Not without anxiety do I wait, buUwith the earnest hope 
that the Convention will bring the Republican party into 
ancient hurmony. saving it especially from tbe suicidal 
loHy of an issue on the personal pretentious of one inau- 



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